Vol 16, No 1 (2026)

The article explores the political and ontological features of the views of the 20^th century German political thinker and legal scholar Carl Schmitt. Using the methods of narrativization, classification, logical-philosophical reflection, analysis, clustering, political-conceptual comparativism and historical analogy, the author characterizes Schmitt’s interpretation of the metaphysics of power as a confrontation between “friends” and “enemies”, explicates the concepts of the Sovereign and the state of exception, and offers logical-philosophical reminiscences of C. Schmitt’s political worldview based on the theoretical and political discourse of the 20^th and 21^st centuries. It is established that C. Schmitt’s ontology of politics appears as a condition of permanent struggle between conflicting forces seeking to acquire or retain power, which prescribes the complete subordination of all political phenomena – from institutions themselves to ethical evaluations of the political – to the continuity of the confrontation between “friends” and “enemies”. It is noted that the ideal of the Sovereign occupies a crucial place within Schmitt’s system of political ontology, since it is the Sovereign who acts as the driving force of the existential processes of power relations, understood as a clash of antagonistic actors, brought to the extreme of disagreement. Referring to E. Gentile’s concept of political religion, G. Morgenthau’s realistic theory of international relations, and contemporary approaches to the analysis of political manipulation, the author observes that C. Schmitt’s political-ontological construct, in explicit or implicit form, was in demand both in 20^th century political science and in contemporary political and international relations theory. In conclusion, it is concluded that the world of political Carl Schmitt can be described in the most general terms through the category of extreme.

The study examines the modern policy of national defense of the Russian Federation in the context of modern interstate confrontation. According to the authors of the article, at present, the policy of national defense is the most important direction of state policy in Russia, the most popular tool for ensuring the national security of the state. This is due to the constant increase in emerging threats that destructively affect the security of all areas of society – political, economic, social, cultural, information, etc., as well as the urgent need of subjects of national defense policy to make decisions on defense and security issues in real time. Particular attention of the authors is paid to the mechanism for implementing the national defense policy of the state. The article provides the structure of the mechanism for implementing the national defense policy and its main components, to which the authors include: regulatory, institutional, organizational, worldview, value and subject-activity components. In addition, the scientific study examines the main indicators of the national defense policy and its implementation mechanism, to which the authors include: quality, penetration, competitiveness, spatiality, temporality, riskiness of the national defense policy, as well as the functional relevance, correctness, security, consistency, reliability and practicality of the implementation mechanism. At the end of the scientific study, the authors declare the need to intensify the policy of national defense of Russia not only on its territory, but also abroad. propose the necessary measures to increase the efficiency of the mechanism for its implementation.

The article is devoted to the identification of tools for preventing the development of socio-political conflicts in the modern youth environment. In this regard, the key features of modern youth relations that determine the possibilities for the development of socio-political conflicts are identified. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the available results of scientific research conducted throughout 2025 on the topic of identifying problematic aspects of changing the youth environment in modern conditions of digitalization. It also provides some practical results of the work of public authorities in the framework of the implementation of the state youth policy. The practices of designing work with youth used by public organizations and other subjects of civil society are evaluated. When writing the article, systemic, institutional, structural-functional and conceptual analysis were used. The scientific novelty of this work consists in updating the subject area of the regulatory and control functions of political institutions in relation to youth potential in the context of understanding modern digital risks and threats in terms of the transformation of youth consciousness and behavior. The interrelation of the modern changes observed in the youth environment and the corresponding potential opportunities for maintaining youth protest activity is shown. The conclusion is formulated regarding the expediency of developing an integrated approach on the part of the state based on the predictive and proactive nature of the youth agenda, which involves, firstly, high-quality and operational monitoring of changes in the youth environment, and secondly, the operation of relevant and verified statistical information on the key characteristics of youth as a social group and political actor.

Rapid advances in digital communication platforms are creating fundamentally new demands on political structures and society. This involves the integration of analytical systems and algorithmic solutions into various spheres of activity, including political interaction. At the same time, this digitalization entails serious risks and challenges. The roles of traditional participants in the communication process – citizens, social institutions, and government agencies – are being transformed. The cultural and ideological foundations of society are being distorted. A new category of influential players is emerging – a “technological elite” – who not only seek to control information flows but are already effectively determining the mechanisms of public dialogue. In light of these challenges, ensuring the country’s digital independence is becoming a strategic priority. Artificial intelligence, having processed massive amounts of user information, gains the tools to influence people’s perceptions of reality, attitudes, and actions. The inability to distinguish whether interactions are taking place with a real person or an automated system creates additional risks in terms of security guarantees. The study concluded that government must protect the value and information landscape from the destructive influence of external players interested in manipulating the public consciousness of digital users. To achieve this, it is critical for government agencies to maintain leverage over communication processes, the formation of political discourse, and the interpretation of data in the online environment. Without such control, social fragmentation begins, hindering the maintenance of its integrity and unity. This paper presents the author’s interpretation of the concepts of state digital sovereignty and political communications in the digital environment.

The relevance of the study is determined by the challenges of institutionalizing the state borders of the former Soviet republics following the dissolution of the USSR. Of particular significance is the negotiation process undertaken by Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Russia to settle their territorial issues with the People’s Republic of China. The aim of this work is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the political-territorial settlement process in Kazakhstan-China relations. The source base of the study comprises international treaties and agreements, normative acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the PRC, as well as scholarly publications by Russian, Kazakh, and Chinese researchers. The study employs comparative-historical and historical-genetic methods, along with legal document analysis, and adopts an institutional approach. It is established that the contemporary Kazakhstan-China border is the result of a prolonged process encompassing the agreements of the Russian and Qing Empires, the Sino-Soviet confrontation, and post-Soviet negotiations. It is demonstrated that during the delimitation of 1994–1998, Kazakhstan ceded a significant amount of disputed territory to the PRC, which, however, constituted only a small fraction of the land originally claimed by China. It is revealed that cross-border economic cooperation is implemented through the alignment of the “Nurly Zhol” and “Belt and Road” initiatives. An important indicator of the partnership has been the establishment of the Khorgos International Center for Border Cooperation (ICBC “Khorgos”). It is determined that the issue of dual citizenship among Kazakh repatriates (oralman) and the potential for irredentist sentiments in border areas pose risks to the stability of bilateral relations.

Purpose of the study: to identify and analyze practical mechanisms for the implementation of state information policy under conditions of information and psychological superiority, as well as to assess their role in ensuring information sovereignty and national security. Scientific novelty: the article offers a systematization of specific practical measures and instruments (legal, institutional, technological, communication-based and educational) used by state authorities to achieve information and psychological superiority. The relationship between regulatory and legal innovations and the development of institutional and technological capacities of the state in the information sphere is substantiated. Conclusion: it is concluded that achieving information and psychological superiority requires an integrated approach that combines legal regulation, institutional development, technological sovereignty and proactive communication strategies. The effectiveness of state information policy is determined by the coherence of actions undertaken by public authorities, the availability of a developed information infrastructure, and the use of targeted communication and educational mechanisms aimed at strengthening societal resilience to information and psychological influence.

The article examines the features of peace-making by the countries of the Global South and the collective West in the process of transformation of the modern system of international relations. As an element of the emerging polycentric world, the BRICS interstate association is studied, which, against the background of the crisis of traditional international institutions, is an alternative platform for negotiations and cooperation on peace-making issues. The interaction between BRICS countries on the issue of resolving the Ukrainian crisis is not always systematic and does not always reflect Russia’s national interests, as evidenced by the peace plan proposed by the Friends of Peace association. The article also provides a comparative analysis of the scenarios for resolving some previous conflicts and examines the possibility of their recurrence. The article shows the reasons for the protracted nature of the negotiation process on the Ukrainian crisis. The purpose of the study is to conduct a comparative analysis of the peacekeeping activities of the Global South and the collective West in the context of the formation of a polycentric world, using the example of the Ukrainian crisis. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic approach, which allows us to consider peacekeeping as a holistic system aimed at ensuring security in the global world. The research methods include a comparative analysis of conflict resolution models, an analysis of legal acts, and a case study method. The results of the study demonstrate different approaches to peacekeeping among the countries of the Global South and the collective West. The desire of the countries of the Global South to coordinate their efforts in order to solve common problems contradicts the position of the countries of the collective West, which seeks to maintain global dominance. Conclusions. Based on a comparative analysis, the authors concluded that the peacekeeping initiatives of individual countries in the Global South that are part of the BRICS alliance do not always align with the national interests of other countries in the alliance. In the case of the Ukrainian crisis, all parties to the conflict are not yet ready for a resolution, which increases the likelihood of a “Korean-style” freeze-out. For Russia, the Ukrainian crisis is just a segment of a larger issue, namely, the implementation of national security measures. The collective West is not ready to enter into a long-term security agreement, so the military component of the special military operation will be the main factor that will determine the future contours of peacekeeping by the countries of the Global South.

The purpose of the study. To identify and characterize dominant narratives about Russia in the German-language media; to analyze mechanisms of stereotype formation and emotional framing; to assess the role of digital platforms in amplifying or fragmenting those narratives; and to evaluate the potential of public and digital diplomacy to mitigate biased interpretations. The study also formulates practical recommendations to improve information policy and promote a more balanced image of Russia abroad. The study addresses how the German-language media construct the image of Russia and why this matters for international communication, public diplomacy and bilateral relations. Negative and emotionally charged media representations influence public perceptions, policy debates and the efficacy of Russian public diplomacy in Europe, making systematic analysis of these processes timely and important. The research combined several complementary approaches, namely: content and discourse analysis of selected German-language outlets (press, TV and online); comparative case studies of high-visibility episodes and headlines; examination of digital media dynamics (social platforms, blogs, user generated content) and their interaction with mainstream media; policy analysis of Russian public/digital diplomacy initiatives and secondary literature review. Results. The study demonstrates a predominance of negative narratives in the German-language media shaped by geopolitical context and editorial strategies. Key mechanisms include selective event coverage, emotionally charged framing, use of metaphors and stereotypes, and strategic expert selection. Digital platforms both reinforce mainstream frames (through virality and echo chambers) and create space for alternative narratives. Public and digital diplomacy can partially counterbalance biased portrayals, yet their effectiveness is limited by trust deficits, questions of credibility, and insufficient institutional coordination. Findings are relevant for scholars of media and international communication, practitioners of public diplomacy, policy-makers concerned with information policy, and media organizations seeking to improve cross-cultural reporting. The recommendations can inform the design of targeted communication strategies and evaluation metrics. The analysis shows that media constructions of Russia in the German-language sphere are structurally linked to political cycles and media logic; addressing bias requires not only reactive content production but systemic, multi-level communication reforms. Strengthening credibility, institutional coordination, multilingual outreach and media-literacy efforts are critical for fostering a more balanced international image. The study contributes to a more nuanced theoretical and practical understanding of how media, digital ecosystems and diplomacy jointly shape the political image of states.

Since the reform and opening up, China, leveraging its unique national advantages and strategic choices, has rapidly developed into the world’s second-largest economy in just a few decades. Such a transformation is unprecedented on the world stage. China’s rapid rise poses a fundamental challenge to the classic explanatory framework represented by Wallerstein’s world-systems theory. This paper aims to analyze in depth how the Chinese government, through a series of internal decisions and external deployments, has risen from a peripheral state to a core state. This paper argues that China’s rise path is manifested in: internally, accumulating resources and enhancing national capabilities; externally, changing the traditional division of labor through infrastructure exports, and promoting the transformation of the world system towards a multipolar network. The unique Chinese model also offers some insights for the development of other countries.

The author in his article considers the problem of politicization of modern sports in difficult geopolitical conditions. The author tries to analyze when the issue of politics has become an integral part of sports life. In this regard, the author sets the goal of the study to analyze the problem of the development of international sports in new geopolitical conditions. The author directly connects it with the use of sports policy by states and international organizations. In particular, the issue of the participation of Russian athletes in international sports events is especially acute today. But is it only now that the politicization of sports has arisen? The author emphasizes that this topic has not lost its relevance for a long time and highlights the reasons for politicization in modern conditions. Touching upon historical examples, the author concludes that it is quite difficult to give stages in the development of the international sports movement, when sports and sports play were completely separated from politics. And if we talk about the reasons for politicization, then from the point of view of the author – this is an ideological struggle, as well as a battle for recognition and status, the creation of both a positive and negative image of countries, the use of sports as an instrument of pressure by different states, the inclusion of international sports organizations in geopolitical processes, “medialization of sports.” All this, especially in the deteriorating international situation, indicates that the politicization of sports will continue. It can also be noted that the more difficult the geopolitical situation develops, the more sports will be used as an instrument of modern politics. The author believes that the politicization of sports is a serious problem that requires an integrated approach to its solution. Only through the joint efforts of states and international organizations is it possible to return the sport to its true purpose – uniting people and promoting a healthy lifestyle. But it is clear that this will not happen in the coming years, since both use the politicization of sports to promote their goals.

The article examines the profound crisis of European collective identity exacerbated by a series of interrelated challenges: the COVID-19 pandemic, the migration crisis, the military conflict in Ukraine and the shift in the global order. The author argues that in a strategic perspective it is the ideological and civilizational issues related to identity which are crucial for Europe’s future rather than tactical, economic and political problems. The research methodology consists of a critical analysis of the politicization of identity as a destructive tool in the hands of elites, leading to radical societal polarization (“identity wars”). Particular attention is paid to the structural contradictions within the EU: the horizontal stratification between the Western European “core” and the Eastern European “periphery” subject to intra-European orientalism and the vertical stratification – the growing economic inequality that erodes the middle class. The conclusion is drawn that the dominant neoliberal discourse from Brussels, the pursuit of total control (illustrated by the pandemic measures) and militarization do not foster consolidation but, on the contrary, lead to the loss of a constructive pan-European identity. As an alternative, the author points to the formation of new forms of solidarity in digital spaces free from ideological pressure and emphasizes the need to overcome the hierarchical logic in relations between the “old” and “new” Europe to resolve the systemic crisis.

The purpose of the article is to reveal, evaluate and apply the ideas, principles and conceptual apparatus of Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of the legal field from the standpoint of sociological science to comprehend the Russian socio–legal reality. The specificity and novelty are determined, firstly, by attention to the little-studied aspects of P. Bourdieu’s sociological ideas, and secondly, by an attempt to reveal the heuristic potential of the concept for analyzing the Russian legal sphere. The author interprets the basic theses of the French sociologist about law as the main instrument of symbolic violence, at the same time possessing the qualities of a closed and autonomous system, but of a different nature than Durkheim’s social fact or Luhmann’s binary code. The article reveals that the autonomy of the legal sphere in P. Bourdieu is formed by the reproducible practices of agents of a hierarchical legal field (with different habits and unequal social capitals) in complex competition and cooperation, both within this field and in relations with the field of power. The concept of the legal field, as shown in the article, offers a new theoretical level of understanding of law, not being a simple synthesis of antagonizing philosophical and legal doctrines – formalism and instrumentalism. The practical significance of the article is determined by the use of extensive empirical (illustrative) material on the concept of the legal field for analysis: the gradual transformation of legislative regulation into bureaucratic regulation with the introduction of new models of public administration; modest and inconclusive results of the reform of the Russian judicial system; the contradictory situation in legal science, balancing between the desire to maintain a state of self-sufficiency and the need to develop interdisciplinary approaches. As a result, the article formulates generalizing assessments of the importance and potential of the concept of the legal field in enriching knowledge about the “world of law” and in solving problems of optimizing the legal sphere.

Synthetic respondents are progressively shifting from an experimental technique to a routine instrument in social and marketing research. This article examines this transition and delineates the methodological risks, conditions of applicability, and data-verification standards that define emerging research pipelines. It is shown that synthetic approaches can accelerate exploratory phases, broaden the range of qualitative analysis, and enable statistically controlled reconstruction and augmentation of quantitative datasets; simultaneously, they intensify epistemic constraints arising from dependence on data sources, profile variability, research-question formulation, and validation procedures. The paper proposes a coherent typology of six types of synthetic respondents and explicates the transition logic among them, from conversational personas to simulations of group dynamics, survey reconstruction, multimodal interpretation of stimuli, and the construction of “digital twins.” It concludes that industry practices (Ipsos; Livepanel) and developer solutions (Yabble; Synthetic Users; Lakmoos), together with academic experiments (including Stanford studies on generative agents), are converging on a shared language of validation and articulated limitations. Russian cases further indicate that institutional uptake is strongest in UX and product research as an accelerator of exploratory work and hypothesis formulation, whereas within the quantitative infrastructure of OMI/Livepanel the emphasis shifts toward “augmented synthetic respondents” and machine-based survey imputation, supporting scalable use of large survey datasets and statistically controlled enrichment of complex target audiences with high accuracy and measurement reproducibility.

This article examines neurosocial intelligence as a managerially significant resource that determines trust in artificial intelligence and digital platforms in organizations, with a focus on education and interaction with media platforms. The social context for the study is the changes in media behavior and consumption observed in 2026, including rising digital fatigue and a demand for “silence” (reduced sensory and information overload), the normalization of a “convenient healthy lifestyle” as a seamless everyday experience, increased public demand for AI content labeling and reality-checking tools, the growing importance of live communications as a mechanism for restoring trust, and the expansion of platform formats (personalization, mini-apps, games, integration into game worlds, and online-offline hybrids). It is shown that in the context of algorithmization, trust ceases to be a general attitude and becomes a mechanism for coordination, disciplined execution, and responsibility distribution. A model of calibrated trust in AI is proposed as a model of delegation compliance with the limits of technology applicability and institutional norms of responsibility. Neurosocial intelligence is operationalized as a subject’s integrative ability to recognize social and digital signals, manage attention under conditions of overload, critically evaluate algorithmic recommendations, and predict the consequences of digital actions. A typology of practices for interacting with AI and platforms (delegation without verification, calibrated delegation, avoidance, and latent use) is presented, along with the logic for constructing and validating a neurosocial intelligence scale and the contours of managerial application of this tool in education and on media platforms.

The purpose of the study is to examine the integrative function of religion in a historical context. Theoretical and methodological foundations of the study: The research is based on the functional analysis of religion, Robert Bellah’s concept of religious evolution, the functional analysis of ritual, and the concept of secularization. Results of the study. The study analyzes the main religious mechanisms of social integration within the context of the historical dynamics of religion, tracing the changes in these mechanisms throughout the evolution of human communities and forms of religion. It is noted that in secular societies, the integrative functions of religion are not entirely lost but have become more localized, concentrated within individual groups and communities. Religion continues to serve as an important element of cultural heritage and collective identities, even when the dominance of the Church is a thing of the past. Research perspectives. The prospects of the research are related to the social need and actualization of the scientific analysis of the role of religion in social integration, as a factor that increasingly influences the condition of social consciousness in modern Russia.