SI 3656 and other Kuchean tablets related to the Kizil grottoes in the St. Petersburg Collection

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Ogihara Hirotoshi Ching Chao-jung SI 3656 and other Kuchean tablets related to the Kizil grottoes in the St. Petersburg Collection* Abstract: This paper introduces five wooden tablets written in Kuchean (Tocharian B) and kept in the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy of Sciences (IOM, RAS), namely SI 3656 (SI P/136в), 3669 (SI P/139д), 6385 (SI Strelkov-D/3), 1931 (SI Strelkov-D/51) and 6456 (SI Strelkov-D/85). THT4063, an unedited tablet kept in Berlin, the text of which is largely parallel with SI 6456, is also introduced here. According to the joint authors’ investigation, which has been ongoing since 2009, these tablets are economic and administrative documents, and some of their features are comparable with the Kuchean sale contract THT4001. The severely damaged SI 1931 is particularly valuable because it proves that three currencies circulated in pre-Tang Kucha. Together with THT4063, the other four tablets are closely related to the Yurpāṣka Monastery, which is repeatedly mentioned in the findings from the Kizil grottoes as well as the graffiti surviving there. Therefore, the content of these tablets helps scholars to restore the history of this important Buddhist site as well as the activity of foreign expeditions in Chinese Turkestan. Key words: Kucha, Tocharian, Kizil, Buddhism, Central Asia 1. Introduction Since Sylvain Lévi’s correspondence with Sergei F. Oldenburg, Nikolai D. Mironov and other Russian scholars, the importance of the Tocharian materials kept in the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy © Ogihara Hirotoshi 荻原裕敏 (Associate Professor, Hakubi Center, Graduate School of Letters, Kyoto University) © Ching Chao-jung 慶昭蓉 (Postdoctoral researcher, Centre de recherche sur les civilisations de l’Asie orientale, Paris / International Research Fellow, Japan Society for the Promotion of Science-Kyoto University) * We would like to express our most sincere gratitude to Prof. Irina F. Popova and other colleagues at the the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy of Sciences for their kind hospitality since our first visit in 2009. Many thanks are also owed to the Turfanforschung, Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften and the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, which have permitted our investigation of the wooden tablet THT4063 since 2008. of Sciences (IOM, RAS) in St. Petersburg has been widely known.1 After the investigation led by Dr. Margarita I. Vorobiova-Desiatovskaia in the 1990s, Tocharian manuscripts in the Russian Collection have been largely identified. 2 Therefore, Prof. Georges-Jean Pinault published several Kuchean (i.e. Tocharian B) secular documents in 19983 and Dr. Klaus T. Schmidt was expected to publish more texts.4 In addition, Douglas Q. Adams (2000, 4) provided Pinault’s provisional revision of the Kuchean tablet SI P/139(d) (i.e. SI P/139д) that was published by Lévi (1913, 320 n. 1),5 and Schmidt (2001b) analysed a bilingual Kuchean-Prākrit tablet SI P/141 together with two similar ones (THT4059 and THT4062) kept in Berlin.6 Since 2002, Pinault has revised the reading of the Buddhastotras SI P/1b and 2b in addition to the Sanskrit-Kuchean glossary SI P/65b 1+2 previously published by Dr. V.S. Vorobiov-Desiatovskii (1958).7 Melanie Malzahn (2007a: 93) also read SI M-TD/31b in the Malov Collection according to a photograph published by Wilfried Seipel (1996: 345). During our first visit to the IOM, RAS (March 21 to 12 April 2009), we were provided with a list of new SI numbers, which were still a work in progress. It is largely comparable to Pinault’s hand-written list of old SI numbers made in 1998, which he kindly communicated to us in autumn-winter 2008. But a few numbers seemingly escaped from his early investigation, including the tablet SI 3656 (SI P/136в) to be treated in this paper.8 The text of SI 3656 is faint, but its features are similar to those in the contract of sale HT4001.9 Like THT4001, SI 3656 is also related to the Yurpūṣka Monastery. As argued in our edition of THT4001, Yurpūṣka is the 1 For example, see MIRONOV 1909; LÉVI 1913: 320 and BONGARD-LEVIN et al. 2002: 123- 141. For a more complete review of the studies of the Tocharian manuscripts kept in St. Petersburg in the last century, see MALZAHN 2007a: 91-93 and VOROBIOVA-DESYATOVSKAIA 2008: 72-73. 2 See VOROBIOVA-DESIATOVSKAIA 1997; VOROBIOVA-DESIATOVSKAIA 2006. 3 I.e. SI B Toch./9, 11~13 and SI P/117. 4 Cf. VOROBIOVA-DESIATOVSKAIA 1997: 210. The five pieces published by Pinault (1998) are also partially mentioned by Schmidt (2001a). 5 See infra, § 4. 6 Ching (2013a) gives a reinterpretation of the three tablets as receipts of tax payment. 7 See PINAULT 2002a: 274-276 (SI P/2b); PINAULT 2008: 293-311 (SI P/1b and P/2b) and PINAULT 2002b (SI P/65b 1+2). 8 It seems that at a certain stage, the SI 3655 (SI P/136б) and 3656 (SI P/136в) were confused or counted together. The former was partially transliterated by Pinault in 1998, and the full content of this tablet was read by Ching (2010: 324-326). 9 See CHING and OGIHARA 2012. ancient name of a district around the Kizil grottoes or the general name of the whole area. The Kuchean documents kept in the IOM, RAS preserve abundant attestations of this name, and they are the most valuable first-hand material for the study of the early history of this region. 2. SI 3656: Formal description The tablet SI 3656 measures 27.0 cm in width and 13.1 cm in length. The upper-left corner of the recto side is largely broken. Both sides are written in Kuchean. As indicated by the old signature SI P/136в, the tablet once belonged to 10 the Petrovskii collection.The round blank in the centre of the recto can be found on several Kuchean tablets, such as the sale contract (THT4001) and the three bilingual tablets (SI P/141, THT4059 and THT4062) mentioned above. On the central blank of SI 3656, traces of greyish clay used for sealing can be seen. The V-shaped incisions on its four sides are also similar to THT4001, the three bilingual tablets and the well-known laissez-passers found by Paul Pelliot. Therefore, the original binding of SI 3656 may resemble the model we have suggested for THT4001: SEAL SI 3656 Among the tablets treated below, SI 6385 and THT4063 preserve one and four V-shaped incisions, respectively, although it is uncertain whether there are central round blanks due to the poor condition of these two tablets. 10 For N.F. Petrovskii’s activities and contributions, see VOROBIOVA-DESIATOVSKAIA 2004; POPOVA 2008a: 25; and POPOVA 2008b: 148-150. 3. Translation of SI 3656 (=SI P/136в) (see the transliteration on p. 48)11 a 1 /// …(is) being in the year of…(?). (At) this moment /// 2 /// (something) [has been done]… (In) the Yūrpaṣka [Monastery]… /// 3 /// (The ones being) present in…, the novice monk called Puṇyayaśe… 4 /// …thus (these are namely) we. We two are subject to… /// 5 ///…they torment and harm us /// 6 /// For [this] reason, we two thought thus: ‘The Okou-official12 was dwelling (here). …a legal dispute(?) agreed(?) with Mānäkke… /// 7 …He could bring the Saṃgha (of) this monastery to our life (lit. ‘He could give us this monastary-saṃgha in existence’). Then we two ourselves 8 We discuss the giving of…’ Forever in the future, with this document(?)13 … together with… /// 9 …they are not to be claimed by anyone [else] nor should be [inquired about] (by anyone else). As in this monastery… /// 10 /// … ˄ … May our monastery be the refuge(?)… /// b 1 /// of/to Puṇyayaśe… ˅ …from this moment on(?)… /// 2 ///…, Pūñyavräddhi the Ārañye, …the Agamadhāre, … 3-8 [untranslatable] 11 The conventions generally follow the principles set up by E. Sieg and W. Siegling: Transliteration [ ] partly damaged akṣara(s). /// damaged edge. ( ) seriously damaged akṣara(s) of which -an indeterminable akṣara. the reading is partly or totally restored. · indeterminable part of an akṣara. Transcription: Fremdzeichen and virāma in the transliteration are ignored. When necessary, restoration based on the knowledge of the Tocharian manuscripts is adopted. Proper names and titles/positions are indicated with capitals. Translation: The usage of brackets and parentheses follows that of the transliteration. The brackets indicate the damaged text, of which the uncertainty of reading should be kept in mind, and the parentheses indicate our restoration or interpretation based on seriously damaged text. 12 This official title/position is attested in THT4001, which Ching related to Niya-Prākrit Ogu and a later form Akau in Kuchean (see CHING and OGIHARA 2012: 112-113). It appears as Okau in SI 6385 and THT4063 (see infra). 13 The word parso as used here is interesting. It is usually understood as the Kuchean word for ‘letter’, but from the context, it seemingly means ‘document’ here. Notes on transliteration a1 [p]· kw· l[n]· : Possibly to be restored p(i)kw(ä)ln(e). a2 sa(ṅkā)[r]ām� a: Sic! Perhaps a scribal error for sāṅkārāmä ‘monastery’ as attested in a7. Yūrpa[ṣ]k· /// : We intend to restore Yūrpaṣk(aine) ‘in Yūrpaṣka’ here. a3 -skeñcā: To be restored (m� a)skeñcā. ñem∖ ·o: It is possible to restore ñem(m)o with the so-called bewegliche -o in Kuchean. a4 ekaly[m]ī: Alternatively to be read ekaly[mi]. a5 cai: It is also possible to read rcai. a6 ya ///: Perhaps a form of yām-‘to do’. a9 tāko: Scribal error for tākoi, 3sg.opt. of nes-‘to be’. m� ak[t]se: Scribal error for mäkte ‘as’. a10 sāṅkā: Probably another scribal error for sāṅkārām. b1 /// [ñ]y· : Perhaps to be restored (āra)[ñ]y(e). preke[m]· : It is uncertain if one can restore prekem(eṃ), abl. sg. of preke ‘time’ here. 4. Textual features of SI 3656 In SI 3656, the ductus of <m� a> and <na> shows an archaic phase as those attested in B133 (THT133) indicated by Malzahn (2007b: 297). From a linguistic point of view, these are also archaic: Forms attested in SI 3656 Classical forms mäskeñcā mäskeñca kettrā ketara, etc. ekälymī (or: ekälymi) ekalymi pälskamo palskam mānäkkempā *manakkempa placä (obl.) plāc pärsosa parsosa ālyekepi alyekepi ārañye arāñye However, forms that should be classified as belonging to the classical stage also appear, e.g. sportomane, ṣarmtsa, ṣañ, postaññe, ketara and so on. This leads one to think that SI 3656 was not written in the archaic stage, but at a later time under the influence of an older model text; thus, when the formulae were copied, some archaic features were retained. Content highly comparable to the sale contract THT4001 is given as follows: THT4001a9 e[nṣk]etse postäñ[ñ]e preke mā ketra alyekepi ñäṣṣälle m[ā] prekṣälle takoi. Forever in the future, he (i.e. the sold person) should not be claimed by anyone else nor should be inquired about (by anyone else). SI 3656a8 enṣketse postaññe preke… ‘Forever in the future…’ SI 3656a9 …[mā] k[e]tara āl(y)e[k](e)pi ñäṣṣalyi ma pre(kṣä)[l]yi tāko(i). …they are [not] to be claimed by anyone [else] nor should be [inquired about] (by anyone else). The phrases ceu preke(ne) ‘(at) this moment’ (a1!),14 ceu ṣarmtsa ‘for this reason’ (a6!) and mäskeñcā ‘being present (somewhere)’ (a3!) are also used in THT4001, and they seem to be typical expressions in official and civil documents. The name list in SI 3656b2-3 also resembles the list of witnesses in THT4001 in the sense that several monks with the title of Araññe ‘forestdweller’, Agamadhāre ‘Āgama-holder’, etc. are found in the latter; thus, at first glance, SI 3656 appears to be another sale contract. Nonetheless, no price or payment is mentioned. Therefore, it is safer to see SI 3656 as a document that allowed refuge sought by two persons, namely the novice monk Puṇyayaśe and his partner, whose name and identity were lost. Because of some unpleasant incident (a5), they decided to quit their original identity and requested the Okou -official’s permission to move to the Yurpūṣka Monastery. In particular, if our restoration of mäskeñcā (a3) is plausible, these two persons are very likely the active party in this process of application because the two sellers in THT4001 are introduced by the first person (nom. pl. wes) after the word mäskeñca just before expressing their will to announce the sale. In this case, Puṇyayaśe and his partner may have asked to become novices in the Yurpāṣka Monastery. We are unsure whether waste ‘refuge’ (a10) is a rhetoric expression or has a legal implication (e.g. obtaining financial or 14 The akṣara on the right of preke does not remain. Whether the locative suffix ne was written or not, the comparability between the two tablets is evident. juridical support from the authorities or the Yurpāṣka Monastery). At any rate, the damaged content reveals that the authorities agreed to their request, and this document was written in presence of several witnesses, including the monk Pūñyavräddhi and his colleague(s). Buddhist disciplines support this view. A rule widely found in the vinaya texts states that the saṃgha should not recruit a new member who is someone’s slave or servant. For example, the Chinese Sarvāstivādin Vinaya says: 從今奴大家不放，不應與出家。若與出家，得突吉羅罪。15 From now on, one should not let a slave/servant to be ordained without his owner’s permission. If such a slave/servant is ordained, one convicts the duṣkṛta sin. According to the karmavācanā belonging to this school that is to be spoken on the occasion of a monk’s ordination, the saṃgha should ask him a series of questions: 汝丈夫不。年滿二十未。非奴不。不與人客作不。不買得不。不破得不。非官人不。不犯官事不。不陰謀王家不。不負人債不。… 16 Are you male? Are you over 20 years old? Are you not a slave/servant? Are you not hired by someone? Have you never been bought by someone? Have you never been forcibly owned by someone (because of invasion, etc.)? Are you not a slave/servant working for the government? Are you free from any criminal conviction? Have you never been traitorous to the royal family? Do you bear no burden of debt? Thus, it is reasonable to suggest that the purpose of SI 3656 is to authorize the change of the civil identity of the two applicants. It seems, at least, that the novice monk Puṇyayaśe was allowed to move into the Yurpāṣka Monastery. In pre-Tang Gaochang (today’s Turfan), the population was mainly classified as either ‘lay’ (俗 sú) or ‘monastic’ (僧 sēng for saṃgha). This classification involved a distinction between the monastic population and lay people in terms of taxation and labour services. We do not know whether the pre-Tang Kucha also classified its people into these two categories, but one can imagine that in such a ‘Buddhist’ country, some procedure may have existed to certify one’s entrée into a monastery or movement from one monastery to another to avoid administrative problems. If this interpretation is plausible, SI 3656 implies the official registration of monks and novices in Kucha. More investigation is necessary to understand the control of the mo 15 Taishō vol. 23, no. 1435, juan 21, p. 151 c28-29. 16 Taishō vol. 23, no. 1435, juan 21, p. 156 a28-b2. nastic population in this powerful oasis state on the eastern branch of the Silk Road. 5. Yurpāṣka: the possible finding spot of SI 3656 As mentioned above, the district of Yurpāṣka is located approximately at today’s Kizil grottoes rather than in Yanqi (around 300 km in the east of Kucha). Several tablets tagged with MQ (ming-öi Qizil) in the Berlin collection attest this toponym, including THT4001, THT4059 and TS43.17 Recently, we examined more graffiti surviving in situ that strongly supports the identification of the Yurpāṣka Monastery with the grottoes.18 Consequently, the finding spot of SI 3656 is very likely Kizil as well, although its site signature is lost. For the same reason, the tablet initially published by Lévi (1913), through a collaboration with S.F. Oldenburg, is possibly from Kizil, too. Here is our revised reading:19 SI 3669 = SI P/139д a 1 śak(∖) kṣ[e] kṣu(ṃ)tsa swarṇābūṣpe lānte [kṣu](ṃne) /// 2 [y cau]wä ∖ preke yurpāṣkai saïkrāmne m� askeñca sa /// 3 purṇāśä ñ[e]mä ∖ śamaśk[eṃ] tsukalemeṃnä ∖ tarkāte tuṃ[ts]e /// 4 akeñe ypoyä ∖ moko nañīṣṭe 1 In the eleventh regnal year, [in the reign] of the king Swarṇābūṣpe, /// 2 …(At) [that] time, …being present in the Yurpāṣka Monastery, /// 3 (sb.) let a [boy] called Purṇāśä leave from (his) nurse(?). … of it… /// 4 Nañīṣṭe, Prefect of the Frontier (Prefecture). b 1 kaw[o]tsiñe20 yaśotarkontse soyä laraṣk(e) śātuma[ṣ]· 21/// 2 purnakki procer∖ purnakṣeme akeñe pi · [v]·22/// 3 ṣṭakule tyuti s[ā]wä /// 4 atsiñe yoniyatse śiñcake sutasomi proce[r∖] 5 - - [ṣ]eṣ[ṣ]e kap�� arcä[t]āyä ∖ śa[m]aśkeṃtse tsukale -///23 17 See Ching’s review and arguments in CHING and OGIHARA 2012: 106. 18 See OGIHARA 2013 and Xinjiang Kucha Academy et al., 2013b. 19 Based on CHING 2010: 327-329 with slight modification. 20 Or: k� a� w[ī]tsiñe. 21 One may also read śātuma[p]· ///. 22 One may also read pi ·[c]· /// 23 This line is faint and difficult. The akṣara following tsuk� a� le may be kā. 1 Laraùke, son of Yaśotarko* (being inhabitant?) of Käw[o] tsi*. … /// 2 Purnakṣeme, brother of Purnakke* …of the frontier /// 3 Ṣṭakule. … /// 4 Śiñcake of the *Ātsi district(?)24 brother of Sutasome*. 5 …, nurse of the boy Kapärcätāy of (some region/clan) ///25 As indicated by Lévi, this tablet was written during Suvarṇapuṣpa’s reign (?-624CE). We have pointed out that the expression akeñe ypoyä ∖ moko does not mean ‘the country-elder of the Agnean kingdom’ but the prefect of a prefecture near the border of Kucha, possibly not far from the Kizil grottoes. 26 In addition, we read śak(∖)kṣ[e] ‘eleven’ (a1) instead of p[i]k∖k[c]e ‘fifth’, [y cau]w ä ∖ (a2) instead of cauw ä and purṇāś� ä� (a3) instead of purṇāyä. These modifications permit us to improve the translation. Thanks to Pinault (p.c. April 2009), the hapax tsukäle may be regarded as the gerundive of tsuk-‘suck, suckle, etc.’, and the monastery may have operated an orphanage. Inspired by this idea, we see tsukäle as ‘nurse, wet nurse’27 and perceive side a of SI 3669 as the prefect’s permission for someone in the monastery to take the boy Purṇāśä from his nurse. In other words, this tablet is probably an official document of adoption. Strictly speaking, an orphan is a child whose parents are dead, but the broken text of SI 3669 does not state whether the boy’s parents are alive. Henceforth, one cannot exclude other situations, e.g. his parents had donated themselves to the saṃgha, leaving their child in the care of their relatives. Interestingly, the Chinese Sarvāstivādin Vinaya regulates that a lay Buddhist should not enter the saṃgha simulataneouly together with his own child, if the child is under 15 years old, because such an act will cause rumours of intermarriage between monks and nuns. 28 Given that the Sarvāstivādin school was deeply influential in Ancient Kucha, part of its population may have gone into the monastic world generation by generation at a certain stage of their lives. Another tablet SI 6385 also attests the name of Yurpāṣka. Our transliteration is as follows: 24 yoniya is probably a variant of yoñiya, which most likely means a kind of administrative district in rural areas (see OGIHARA 2009: 385, 287 and CHING 2013b: 70-72). 25 An alternative translation is ‘Kapärcätāy of (some region/clan), the boy’s nurse’. In this case, the nurse is a male, as revealed by the adjective masculine form oṣṣe. 26 See CHING and OGIHARA 2012: 106; Ching, forthc. 27 CHING 2010: 328. 28 Taishō vol. 23, no. 1435, juan 21, p. 151b4-22. In the following paragraph, the limit is tolerated as under seven years old. SI 6385 (= SI Strelkov-D/3) (a) (ä) 29 1 ( --) -ñay∖ eñc(i)l∖ -[s]·(·) [k]· [k]· [ñ]· k(u)ś· -------/// 2 -aits(i) tun∖ � -[we]sa� ompek patalakṣane30 yurpaṣka /// 3 -pa[l]keśe ñem∖ ci[m]∖ (ä) ··e[ṃ]31 (kuśā)neṃ(t)[s]a piśaltse ce(ṃ) wantare[s]a /// 4 ///·e /// /// -----˄ 1 …(a kind of tax or duty?) imposed on… [kuśāne]… /// 2 to give… [we] right there in Patalakṣa …, Yurpāṣka… /// 3 …(sb.) called Palkeśe …[is able](?)… (valued) at five thousands kuśānes. Be cause of this affair, /// 4 [untranslatable] (b) 1 -·or(∖)32 yamaṣa : cei r(e)mi takare okau ˅ [sa]ṅkul[e] /// 2 -wr[au] ko -kalya no[c]cot∖ ṣletaś[∖] (·)kalya ṣarpala[śk]e ///33 1 He made a (purchase?). These witnesses were (Saṅkule) the Okau-official, /// 2 …Wrau… Ṣletaś-official… [untranslatable] The ductus can be classified to Malzhan’s standard script. Linguistically, the text shows a few archaic features, e.g. Yurpaṣka ((a)2, class. Yurpāṣka), wantäresa ((a)3, class. wäntaresa) and takare ((b)1, class. takāre). Nevertheless, there is at least one form placed in the classical stage, namely piśältse in (a)3, due to an allegro pronunciation of piś yältse ‘five thousands’ as noted by Peyrot (2008: 128-129). The remaining context does not permit us to determine the exact purpose of this document. It may be some kind of official document or contract, in which the currency of kuśāne ‘Kuchean coin’ is attested in many wooden documents. For example, the price given in the contract THT4001 to buy a young man or boy is 18,000 kuśānes. Given that the sellers in THT4001 (i.e. the party who took the initiative in the transaction) are expressed by the 29 To be restored a form of k u śāne. 30 Locative of patalakṣa*. This proper name is seen in Ot.12.14 as the stem of an adjective patalakṣāṣṣe*. 31 The form cim(mp)eṃ (= cimpeṃ), 3.pl.prs. of cämp-‘to be able to’ may be restored here, although this form is usually classified to the late stage (cf. Peyrot, 2008: 55-57). 32 Perhaps (kary)or* ‘buying’. 33 The word segmentation of this line is uncertain. The hapax no[c]cot (a personal name?) may be a variant of nocot ‘deposit(?)’. Another hapax kalya may be related to an identity or an official title kalyä that is seen in THT4001. first-person plural, there is reason to suggest that the wesä ‘we’ in SI 6385(a)2 indicates the active party of a deed, of which some socially important persons including an Okou -official called Saṅkule were present as witnesses (remi). The IOM, RAS possesses another important tablet concerning currencies in Ancient Kucha, which is thus far the only piece of secular document attesting the local circulation of gold coins (tinār*< Buddhist Skt. dīnāra-): SI 1931 (SI Toch 1931) = SI Strelkov-D/51 (a) 1 /// [s]u34 --/// /// [435 1000] -[100 50] 2 /// postanont[ä] teṃ /// /// [10000]36 6 1000 8 100 50 3 /// eneś[n]e [ku]ś[ā]ni 2 [10000] -[1000 5 100] 4 /// paiykānt[s]aṃ cāneṃ ka[m]ā(nt)[e 3] --/// 5 /// y[u]sa37 cā[n](e)ṃ wsam∖ 1000 5 --/// (b) 1 /// [ly](ipār)[ekuś](ā)neṃntsa 2 1000 3 100 40 3839 40 2 /// · [au] -tināranta 3 [c]ān[i] 3 -·s· --trau ka� [tt]·--(k)[u]ś(āni) 9 1000 8 100 6 3 /// 1000 [2] 100 (--) SI 1931 is thus far the only piece of secular document attesting the circulation of gold coins in the pre-Tang Kucha. Both the script ductus and the language appear quite standard, although a closer reading must be done after infrared photography. Because the text is extremely faint and the figures are mostly broken, its full translation cannot be determined at this stage. Nevertheless, the readable parts look very interesting. Some fixed expressions have been found from other wooden documents, e.g. postanontä ‘later, latter’, eneś[n]e [ku]ś(ā)ni ‘Kuchean coins in cash(?)’41 and the verbal form 34 Or [p]u. 35 Or [5]. 36 For more on the difference between the figures 10000 and 100, see CHING and OGIHARA 2012: 108. 37 Or y[u]s[ai]. 38 Possibly [100] or [10000]. 39 Perhaps to be restored wsam∖. 40 To be read either [tt]· or [nt]·. 41 For more on the Kuchean term for ‘cash’, see CHING and OGIHARA 2012: 108. lyipāre ‘(somethings) remained’ as the expression for ‘balance’ in Kuchean accounting. Interestingly, this tablet records a payment to a group of painters or calligraphers (paiykānt[s]aṃ< pik-‘write, paint’), which is meaningful to interpret the development of Kuchean art. The word paikāntsa* ‘± painter, calligrapher’ was previously only seen from a wall inscription in Kizil Cave 42 No. 181. Its attestation in SI 1931 is the first in Kuchean documents. SI 1931 is thus far the only piece of secular document that attests multiple currencies in Ancient Kucha, and three kinds of money are indicated: cāne* ‘(Chinese?) coins’, kuśāne* ‘Kuchean coins’ and tinār* ‘gold coins’. It is still difficult to identify them as various archaeological types of unearthed coins, but at any rate, SI 1931 supports Xuanzang’s depiction of Kucha that ‘the currencies are gold coins, silver coins and small copper/bronze coins’.43 In this regard, SI 1931 is one of the most valuable documents for historians of Chinese Turkestan. 6. SI 6456 and THT4063: a series of reports? Soon after our first visit to IOM, RAS in 2009, the parallelism between THT4063 and SI 6456 (Strelkov-D/85) came to our notice. The condition of the wooden tablet THT4063 is better, so it is useful for restoring some damaged parts of SI 6456. As revealed by its site signature (T III MQ 212), THT4063 was found at the Kizil grottoes by the third German expedition. It is also a document about the Yurpāṣka Monastery. This name is not preserved in SI 6456, but both THT4063 and SI 6456 mentioned a person called Tarmatāse (<Skt. Dharmadāsa-, lit. ‘slave/servant of the Law’). Therefore, they likely concern the same monastic community. The remaining text of SI 6456 is almost perfectly parallel to THT4063. The only difficulty is a broken passage near the beginning of SI 6456, namely s· lt· - śco - - - (line 1), which should correspond to THT4063a1 - - [le] - - - [ntso k]· ; however, different content is probably involved. In addition, the broken texts ṣamāne /// ‘monk’ (line 1) and ekita /// ‘help’ (line 2) found in the upper-right margin of SI 6456 may be useful in restoring the lost part of THT4063. 42 Attested as pl.com. pai[k]āṃtsämpa, see Xinjiang Kucha Academy et al. 2013a: 345. 43 CHING and OGIHARA 2010: 102 n. 56. THT4063 (The passages matching SI 6456 in bold) a 1 /// [l]· - [ts]· lān[t](∖) [kuśiñ]ñ(e) ˅ (oro)c[c](e lā)[nt]∖ orocce omo[r]k(∖) [ä] 44 ñ[äk]tents(e) s[o]y∖ - - [le] - - - [ntso k]· n[i] ṣṣ· (-) 2 mā - /// /// - yurpā[ṣ](kai saṅk)r(ā)[mn](e) w[r]· - ·[ai sa]ṅka - - - ·[i] - - - [ly]· [eka]ṃ(ñ)ñ(e m)ā (ṣ)ai artstsa pikul∖ orocce lānt∖ ś(ar)sa(ṣ)y(eṃ) orots[ts]e wa-45 3 /// - - - ·e ·i - ·k· tse (ma)ñ(i)y(e) pr · tar∖46 ta(r)matāse ñem∖ † se tarmatāse lantaññana47 pre4 /// - - - - /// /// - - - - r·· ·e ·e [r]ñ[e]sa48 mā ṣ[p∖] laṃṣītaṟ∖ ta ñake se tarmatāse pkāte pi[ku]l[ṣ]e(ṃ) kuśāneṃ wiltse yurpāṣka5 /// ṣṣai e(k)[ṣ](a)ly[i]ṃ - /// /// l· - - - - [salk](a) taṅ[k](wa)lyesa † ñi p[u]t[ta]tā[s]i yärṣal[ñ]esa c[e p]ete - tarmatā b 1 /// - [ś]ca [śā]mn(a) pīś∖� - - - - /// /// ·emñe ·[s]· [t]· - - - - - m� antak∖ tākoyä ∖ m� akte ce parsone oṃṣame(ṃ) papek[au] e(ṃ)[ṣ]k(e)tstse p[o] ·[t]· [ññe]49 2 /// ·· r· ke okau saṅkai[ś]e [ā]kṣ(a)[s]u - - [p](ai)[ka] ‡- a 1 /// the king of …, [the great king of Kucha], son of the great Omork* god/majesty, …/// 44 Here, the passage [l] · - [ts] · lān[tK u śiñ]ñ(e oro)c[c](e lā)[nt] orocce Omo[r]k ñ(ä)ktents(e) s[o](y) contains a series of epithets of a certain Kuchean king. Strikingly, to relate Kuchean kings with Omork* is only attested on these two tablets. Omork* seems to be either a deity, a foreign sovereign(’s title?) or a toponym. Its variants and derivatives are attested in THT2994, SI B Toch./11 and PK L.C. XXXVI, etc., cf. CHING 2010: 398-399. Incidentally, the expression ñäkteṃts soy ‘son of gods’ that Winter (1963) claimed to have read in a Prākrit-Tocharian B bilingual document kept in Berlin and understood as a transposition of Skt. devaputra-is thus far not been found among the bilingual tablets kept in Berlin. In THT4063 and SI 6456, the text evidently reads ñäktentse (sg. gen.) instead of ñäkteṃts (pl. gen.). If Winter’s reading is reliable, what he studied may have been lost after he published his paper. 45 To be restored walo ‘king’ together with the beginning of the next line. 46 To be restored pretär following its counterpart in SI 6456. It is probably a verbal form, although providing a satisfactory solution is difficult. We temporarily take it as the 3sg.mid.prs. of pär-‘to carry, bear’, of which the ideal form should be *partär. It may be an analogical form influenced by premane or preñca, which has -e- as a thematic vowel; alternatively, the class III of the present system may have influenced this root. 47 The f.pl.nom./obl. of lantaññe*. This feminine form is not registered by Adams (1999; 2013) or Thomas (1964), but it is seen in PK NS 63a3: l[a](n)t[a]ñña[na] klai(na), lit. ‘the king’s women’, cf. OGIHARA 2009: 305-306. 48 Perhaps to be restored (p)e(rn)e[r]ñ[e]sa. 49 To be restored p[o](s)[t](a)[ññe]. 2 /// …(in) the Yurpāṣka (Monastery)… [a monastery… it was not a possession… Each year, they informed] the great king. The great king… /// 3 /// …[a servant] by the name of Tarmatāse [is given]. This Tarmatāse… royal… 4 /// but he was not working because of …Now, this Tarmatāse intended to give(?) two thousand kuśānes as a yearly (amount) to(?) the Yurpāṣka 5 /// …[was… season… he showed]… by (giving a) mercy. By honouring me, (namely) [Puttatāse,… Tarmatāse]… b 1 /// …people… five… Thus it shall be as it is written(?) above in this document. Forever in the future… /// 2 /// …Saṅkaiśe the Okau-official announced. Su-? [wrote]. SI 6456 (= SI Strelkov-D/85) 1 /// (lān)[t](∖) [o]rocce [o]mork∖ ñä[k]tentse s[o]y ä ∖ s· lt· - śco - - - [ni]ṣṣe ṣamāne /// 2 /// (e)k(a)ññe mā ṣai † arts[t]sa pikul∖ orocce lāṃnt∖ śarsaṣyeṃ or[o]ts[ts](e) walo ekita /// 3 /// (ma)ñiye pretar∖ tarmatāse ñem∖ se [ta]rmatāse lantaññana (p)re /// 4 /// [ña]ke se tarma[t]āse /// 1 /// …(the great) [king] (of Kucha), son of the great Omork* god/majesty,… /// 2 /// …it was not a possession… Each year, they informed the great king. The great king… help… /// 3 /// …a servant by the name of Tarmatāse is given. This Tarmatāse… royal… 4 /// Now, this Tarmatāse… /// There is no trace of writing on the verso of SI 6456; hence, the lower part of its contents would have been written on another tablet that has been lost. The ductus of THT4063 and SI 6456 are standard. Generally, their language can be dated to the classical stage. 50 The spelling <śca> in THT4063b1 can be dated to both archaic and classical stages,51 but this faint akṣara may also be read as [ṣ]ca. Therefore, precisely dating THT4063 and SI 6456 is still impossible. Moreover, determining whether SI 6456 is a straightforward duplicate of THT4063 or vice versa is difficult. A safer interpretation is to view both as annual reports written in different years and submitted to the royal house or some responsible officers. At any rate, the 50 For example, wiltse ‘two thousand’ in THT4063a4 is classical according to Peyrot (2008: 128-129, 184). 51 For a discussion of <śca>, cf. PEYROT 2008: 179-180. dates of these two tablets are not far from each other because the same person Tarmatāse is mentioned in both. They are very probably older than the seventh-century wooden laissez-passers found by Pelliot. 7. Conclusion In this paper, we give our reading and interpretation of the thus-far unedited tablets SI 3656 (SI P/136в), 3669 (SI P/139д), 6385 (SI Strelkov-D/3), 1931 (SI Strelkov-D/51) and 6456 (SI Strelkov-D/85). Among them, SI 3656, 3669 and 6385 attest the name of Yurpāṣka. They are good examples to indicate the significance of the Russian Collection for the study of human geography in the western regions of China. SI 3656 is especially valuable to scholars because it reveals the practice of copying formulae from old documents to make new ones. As far as can be seen, SI 3656 is likely a certification of change of identity. It seems to have been a necessary document for the novice Puṇyayaśe and his partner to settle in the Yurpāṣka Monastery, which was located around the Kizil grottoes. The practice of making documents by copying formulae from old documents or a model text is further implied by SI 6456 and THT4063, both of which belong to a series of yearly reports to Kuchean kings. Given that it is about the same person Tarmatāse, these two tablets were possibly issued by the same group of staff. Because THT4063 was unearthed from the Kizil grottes, SI 6456 is also likely to be from the same site. Infrared photography will be indispensable to compare the two tablets thoroughly. SI 1931 is another important piece. The severely damaged text proves that three currencies, kuśāne* ‘Kuchean coins’, cāne* ‘(Chinese?) coins’ and tinār* ‘gold coins’, circulated in Kucha simultaneously at a certain historical period before the Tang Conquest. In conclusion, the wooden documents kept in the IOM, RAS are essential first-hand materials to study Buddhist sites in the Kucha region. Their connection to the Berlin collection invites scholars to continue tracing the activities of Russian and German expeditions in Chinese Turkestan in the early twentieth century. Glossary The transcribed forms are used here in the place of the transliterated ones. (PN for personal name; exclamation marks for damaged attestations). Akeñe ‘of the Frontier’ m.sg.nom. akeñe SI 3669a4, b2 Agamadhāre ‘Āgama-holder’ sg.nom. Agamadhāre SI 3656b2! Araññe ‘forest-dweller, ascetic’ sg.nom. Ārañye SI 3656b2 artstsa ‘each’ SI 6456.2; THT4063a2 allek ‘other’ m.sg.gen. ālyekepi SI 3656a9 Atsiñe ‘of *Ātsi’ m.sg.nom. Atsiñe SI 3669a4 āks ‘to announce’ 3sg.prt. ākṣa THT4063b2 Ābhidhārmike ‘one learned in the abhidhārma’ sg.nom. Ābhidhārmike SI 3656b1! āyor ‘gift, donation’ sg.obl. āyor SI 3656a8 eṃṣketstse ‘even, unto’ eṃṣketstse THT4063b1 enṣketse SI 3656a8 ekaññe ‘possession’ sg.nom. ekaṃññe THT4063a2 sg.nom. ekaññe SI 6456.2 ekalymi ‘subject to’ ekälymī SI 3656a4! (or: ekälymi) ekito* ‘help’ sg.obl. ekita SI 6456.2! ekṣalye ‘season’ pl.obl. ekṣalyiṃ THT4063a5! eneśne ‘in cash’ (for accounting, lit. ‘in one’s eyes’) SI 1931(a)3! eñcil ‘imposed’ sg.nom./obl. eñcil SI 6385(a)1 ai ‘to give’ 3sg.opt. āyi SI 3656a7! inf. aitsi SI 6385(a)2! oṃṣameṃ ‘(from) above’ THT4063b1 Okau Official title/position nom. Okau SI 6385(b)1; THT4063b2 nom. Okou SI 3656a6 Omork* ‘?’ obl. Omork SI 6456.1; THT4063a1 ompek ‘right there’ SI 6385(a)2 orotstse ‘great, big’ m.sg.nom. orotstse SI 6456.2; THT4063a2! m.sg.obl. orocce SI 6456.1, 2; THT4063a1!,1, 2; Kapä[rc]ӓ[t]āy [PN] nom. Kapä[rc]ӓ[t]āy SI 3669b5 kalya Official title/position(?) kärs- ‘to inform (K.)’ Käw[o]tsiñe* ‘of Käw[o]tsi’ kuśāne* ‘Kuchean coin’ kuśiññe ‘ Kuchean, of Kucha’ ketara ‘to whomever’ kettrā ‘to whomever’ kṣuṃ* ‘reign’ ksa indef.pron. cāne* ‘coin’ cämp-‘to be able to’ ñake ‘now’ ñakte ‘god’ ñäś ‘I’ ñäsk- ‘to demand’ ñem* ‘name’ ta ‘then’ Tarmatāse [PN] < Skt. Dharmadāsa täṅkw-äññ-‘to love ’ tärk- ‘let go; allow, etc.’ tinār* ‘gold coin’ sg.nom. kalya SI 6385(b)2! 3.pl.impf. śarsӓṣyeṃ THT4063a2 3.pl.impf. śarsäṣyeṃ SI 6456.2 m.sg.obl. Käw[o]tsiñe SI 3669b1 pl.nom. kuśāni SI 1931(a)3!, (b)2! pl.obl. kuśāneṃ THT4063a4 pl.perl. kuśāneṃtsa SI 6385(a)3! m.sg.obl. kuśiññe THT4063a1 SI 3656a9! SI 3656a4 sg.perl. kṣuṃtsa SI 3669a1! sg.loc. kṣuṃne SI 3669a1! gen. ketara SI 3656a9 gen.: kettrā SI 3656a4 pl.obl. cāneṃ SI 1931(a)4, 5! 3.pl.prs. cimmpeṃ SI 6385(a)3! SI 6456.4; THT4063a4 sg.gen. ñäktentse SI 6456.1; THT4063a1 sg.gen. ñi THT4063a5 du.nom. wene SI 3656a4, 6, 7 pl.nom. wes SI 3656a4 pl.nom. wesä SI 6385(a)2 pl.gen. wesäñ SI 3656a7, 10 Ger.I.m.pl.nom. ñäṣṣalyi SI 3656a9 sg.obl. ñem SI 3656a3; 3669a3!; 6385(a)3; 6456.3; THT4063a3 THT4063a4 nom. Tarmatāse SI 6456.3, 3, 4!; THT4063a3, 3, 4! Abstr.perl.: täṅkwalyesa THT4063a5! 3sg.prt. tärkāte SI 3669a3 pl.nom. tināränta SI 1931(b)2 nes- ‘to be’ inf.loc. nestsine SI 3656a7 3sg.impf. ṣai SI 6456.2; THT4063a2, 5 3sg.opt. tākoy THT4063b1 3sg.opt. tākoi SI 3656a9!, 10 3pl.prt. takare SI 6385(b)1 Nañīṣṭe [PN] nom. Nañīṣṭe SI 3669a4 no ‘but’ SI 3656a7 nowcot ‘deposit(?)’ SI 6385(b)2! patalakṣa* ‘? (proper name?)’ sg.loc. patalakṣane SI 6385(a)2 parso ‘document’ sg.perl. pärsosa SI 3656a8 sg.loc. parsone THT4063b1 Palkeśe [PN] nom. Palkeśe SI 6385(a)3! päk- ‘to intend’ 3sg.prt. pkāte THT4063a4 pär- ‘to carry’ 3sg.prs.(?) pretär SI 6456.3; THT4063a3 3pl.prt. kamānte SI 1931(a)4! pärk- ‘to ask’ Ger.I.m.pl.nom. prekṣalyi SI 3656a9 pälsk- ‘to think’ 1pl.prt. pälskamo SI 3656a6 pik- ‘to write’ 3sg.prt. paika THT4063b2! 3pl.prt. paikānte SI 1931(a)4 prt.part.m.sg.nom. papekau THT4063b1 pikul ‘year’ sg.obl. pikul SI 6456.2; THT4063a2 pikulṣe ‘prting to a year’ m.pl.obl. pikulṣeṃ THT4063a4 piś ‘five’ THT4063b1(pīś) piśältse ‘five thousands’ SI 6385(a)3 Pūñyavräddhi [PN] < Skt. Puṇyavṛddhi-nom. Pūñyavräddhi SI 3656b2 Puṇyayaśe [PN] < Skt. Puṇyayaśas nom. Puṇyayaśe SI 3656a3 gen. Puṇyayaśi SI 3656b1! Puttatāse* [PN] < Skt. Buddhadāsa-gen. Puttatāsi THT4063a5 Purṇāśä [PN] nom. Purṇāśä SI 3669a3 Purnakke* [PN] gen. Purnakki SI 3669b2 Purnakṣeme [PN] < Skt. Pūrṇakṣema-nom. Purnakṣeme SI 3669b2 paikāntsa* ‘± painter, calligrapher’ pl.nom. paiykāntsaṃ SI 1931(a)4! postanu ‘later, latter’ m.sg.obl. postanontä SI 1931(a)2 postaññe ‘later’ m.sg.obl. postaññe SI 3656a8; THT4063b1 preke ‘time’ sg.obl. preke SI 3656a1!, 8; 3669a2 sg.abl. prekemeṃ SI 3656b1! procer ‘brother’ sg.nom. procer SI 3669b2 plāce ‘word, speech’ sg.obl. placä SI 3656a6 mañiye ‘servant’ sg.nom. mañiye SI 6456.3; THT4063a3 mant ‘so’ maṃt SI 3656a4, 6 mäntak THT4063b1 mā ‘not’ mā SI 6456.2; THT4063a2, 4 ma SI 3656a9, 9 mānäkke* ‘?’ sg.com. mānäkkempā SI 3656a6 mäkte ‘as’ mäkte THT4063b1 mäktse SI 3656a9! mäsk ‘to be’ prs.part. mäskeñcā SI 3656a3 prs.part. mäskeñca SI 3669a2 mi ‘to harm’ 3pl.prs. miyäskeṃme SI 3656a5 Yaśotarko* [PN] gen. Yaśotarkontse SI 3669b1 yām ‘to do’ 3pl.prs. yamaskenme SI 3656a5 3sg.prt. yamaṣa SI 6385(b)1 prt.part.f.pl.nom. yāmwa SI 3656a2! yärs ‘to honor’ Abstr.I.perl.: yärṣalñesa THT4063a5 Yurpāṣka Name of monastery nom. Yurpaṣka SI 6385(a)2! nom. Yurpāṣka THT4063a2!, 4! obl. Yurpāṣkai SI 3669a2! Yūrpaṣk· SI 3656a2! y[u]sa ‘?’ SI 1391(a)5 yoniyatse ‘of yoniya’ m.sg.nom. yoniyatse SI 3669b4 Ypoy-moko ‘± Prefect’ sg.nom. Ypoy-moko SI 3669a4 reme ‘witness’ pl.nom. remi SI 6385(b)1 lakle ‘pain’ sg.obl. lakle SI 3656a5 lantaññe* ‘royal’ f.pl.nom./obl. lantaññana SI 6456.3; THT4063a3 Laraṣke [PN] nom. Laraṣke SI 3669b1! lāṃs- ‘to work’ 3sg.impf. laṃṣītär THT4063a4 lip- ‘remain, be left over’ 3pl.prt. lyipāre SI 1931(b)1! walo ‘king’ sg.nom. walo SI 6456.2; THT4063a2 sg.obl. lānt SI 6456.1; THT4063a1, 1, 2 sg.obl. lāṃnt SI 6456.2 sg.gen. lānte SI 3669a1 waste ‘refuge’ sg.nom. waste SI 3656a10 wäntare ‘affair’ sg.perl. wantäresa SI 6385(b)3 wäs ‘to dwell’ 3sg.impf. wsaṣi SI 3656a6 wiltse ‘two thousand’ THT4063a4 we ‘to tell’ 1pl.prs. weskem SI 3656a8 Wrau [PN] nom. Wrau SI 6385(b)2! śakk ṣe ‘eleven’ SI 3669a1! śamaśke ‘boy’ sg.obl. śamaśkeṃ SI 3669a3! sg.gen.: śamaśkeṃtse SI 3669b5! Śiñcake [PN] nom. Śiñcake SI 3669b4 śaumo ‘person, man’ pl.nom./obl. śāmna THT4063b1 ṣañ āñm ‘(one)self’ ṣañ āñmo SI 3656a7 ṣanmire ‘novice monk’ sg.nom. ṣanmire SI 3656a3 ṣamāne ‘monk’ sg.nom. ṣamāne SI 6456.1! ṣarm ‘cause’ sg.perl. ṣarmtsa SI 3656a6 Ṣṭakule [PN] nom. Ṣṭakule SI 3669b3 ṣpä ‘and’ ṣp THT4063a4 Ṣletaś [Official title] sg.nom. Ṣletaś SI 6385(b)2 saṅkārām ‘monastery’ sg.obl. saṅkārāmä SI 3656a2, 10! sg.obl. sāṅkārāmä SI 3656a7 Saṅkaiśe [PN] nom. Saṅkaiśe THT4063b2 Saṅkule [PN] nom. Saṅkule SI 6385(b)1! saṅkrām ‘monastery’ sg.loc. saṅkrāmne SI 3656a9; 3669a2 sāṅk ‘(monastic) community’ sg.obl. sāṅkä SI 3656a7 sälk ‘to show’ 3sg.prt. salka THT4063a5 sim ‘bundary, limit’ sg.nom./obl. sim SI 1931(a)5 su dem.pron. m.sg.obl. ceu SI 3656a1, 2, 6!, 7, 9, b1, 4 m.sg.obl. cauw SI 3669a2! n.sg.obl. tu SI 6385(a)2 n.sg.gen. tuṃtse SI 3669a3! Sutasome* [PN] < Skt. Sutasoma-gen.sg. 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About the authors

Hirotoshi Ogihara

Author for correspondence.
Email: diyuanyumin@gmail.com
Japan

Chaojung Ching

Email: ching.cj@gmail.com
Japan

References

Supplementary files