Sociopolitical Sciences

The social rating systems of citizens, formed on the basis of the integrated use of modern digital technologies – primarily methods of collecting, processing and analyzing large amounts of data – are a powerful management tool capable of optimizing the allocation of resources and increasing the effectiveness of state control. Their full-scale implementation carries a number of political and social risks, changing the nature of interaction between the state, large corporations, society and man. This article presents the generalized results of a comprehensive study based on the interpretation of empirical data obtained from 32 in-depth interviews with experts and a comparative analysis of 4 rating systems of Russian companies. The purpose of the research. The article examines the mechanisms of formation and functioning of social rating systems, as well as analyzes the ethical, legal, political and social consequences of their large-scale implementation. Results. The study demonstrates that social rating has ceased to be a futurological concept and has become a real management tool that is actively changing the structure of public relations in Russia. The key conclusion of the work is the need to revise the regulatory paradigm, where the state should step out of the role of a passive observer and become a guarantor of the protection of citizens’ rights in the digital environment, setting strict standards for the transparency of algorithms and responsibility for their use.

This article analyzes transformation processes in post-Soviet societies. In accordance with their structure, the author systematizes sociopolitical relations in the context of the following blocks: socio-economic. The main elements in the structure of political culture are values: democracy, political pluralism – political freedoms, human rights, and justice. It is argued that the cause of conflict in post-Soviet societies is precisely due to the different understandings of the values of freedom and democracy by various political forces. An important conclusion is that the assimilation, especially by young people, of the basic content of the ideology of the modern Russian or Belarusian state is particularly relevant in modern conditions.

The article examines electoral adaptation in the context of a crisis-driven agenda, the digitalization of political communication, and the transformation of public trust in electoral procedures. The aim of the study is to identify how expert perceptions of current electoral changes in Europe and Russia make it possible to clarify the directions for improving the Russian electoral system. The methodological framework combines a comparative political approach, qualitative expert-analytical interpretation, and thematic coding of assessments obtained through the author’s expert survey conducted in 2024–2026. The questionnaire included 17 questions grouped into three thematic blocks: the crisis agenda and new lines of political cleavage in Europe, digital technologies and electoral engineering, and the current state and prospects of the Russian electoral system. The study demonstrates that contemporary electoral dynamics are shaped not only by the institutional organization of elections but also by migration, identity, security, the crisis of trust, platform-based communication, and digital procedures. It is shown that digitalization expands the adaptive potential of electoral systems while simultaneously increasing the dependence of legitimacy on transparency, verifiability, and the quality of public explanation. The author concludes that the improvement of the Russian electoral system should be based on a combination of institutional clarity, technological explainability, and civic and educational support for electoral participation.

This publication is devoted to a theoretical and political appeal to the phenomenon of dictatorship through the prism of the history of political, legal and philosophical teachings from antiquity to modernity. The author denotes the problem of dictatorship in the ancient tradition, studies the peculiarities of the perception of dictatorship in medieval thought, analyzes the ideas about the dictatorship of the leading political theorists of the New Age, reveals the essence of dictatorship in the Marxist-Leninist paradigm, establishes the place of dictatorship in the research of right-wing political thinkers of the 20th century, turns to modern studies of dictatorship. As a result of the work carried out, a multifaceted palette of interpretations of dictatorship is being built: the power of the few owners of a reasonable soul who reproduce the virtue of wisdom and are aimed at achieving the common good; the permissible (or just) authority of an aristocracy or sole ruler other than tyranny; a form of power alien to the development of civil society; absolute, unlimited and not overthrown power of the Sovereign, who acquired his status as a result of a social contract; absolute despotic power unrelated to the law; despotism based on a position not supported by reason, according to which one subject is entitled to claim control over the rest of the people; the power of the economically dominant class; extraordinary temporary power, designed to preserve the existing legal and political order in a situation of threat, the prerogative of the bearer of sovereign power to perform any actions, including illegal ones, during an emergency; temporary granting of extensive powers in conditions of necessity to a subject whose power is deprived of transcendental, non-natural properties; a collection of undemocratic regimes characterized by limited or absent pluralism and allowing some variation in the specifics of political leadership, level of mobilization and ideologization; usurpation of power by one person, a group of military men, or a single political party. In conclusion, the conclusion is formulated that the perception of dictatorship is non-linear and does not depend on a particular stage in the development of political and philosophical thought.

This article provides analysis of the phenomenon of Islamic fundamentalism – a dynamic religious-political movement that emerged in response to the challenges of modernization and globalization. The origins of this movement date back to the colonial era, when the forced transformation of traditional societies created an ideological void, filled by calls to return to the “pure” foundations of Islam. The article examines the key principles of fundamentalist ideology, including Salafism, the concept of “din wa dawla” (the unity of religion and state), and the supremacy of Sharia law, as well as its anti-modernist and anti-Western stance. Particular attention is paid to the internal diversity of the movement, distinguishing two main strands: religious conservatism (focused on faith and morality) and political Islamism (aiming for power and the creation of an Islamic state). The article elaborates on the theoretical foundations of the concept of the Islamic state and divine sovereignty, outlining key stages in the evolution of fundamentalism from its formation in the colonial and post-colonial periods, through its radicalization and internationalization under the influence of the Iranian Revolution and the Afghan jihad, to its current stage of globalization and fragmentation since the 1990s. It is argued that the failure of moderate Islamist projects under authoritarian regimes, direct foreign intervention, and the rise of digitalization have contributed to the emergence of extreme and transnational forms of radicalism, which have taken on the characteristics of terrorist networks and quasi-state entities. The conclusion is drawn that, despite its internal contradictions, Islamic fundamentalism remains a significant factor shaping the socio-political landscape in modern societies with substantial Muslim populations.

The article examines theoretical approaches to understanding the city as an actor in migration policy. Its aim is to systematize approaches to defining the role of cities as migration-policy actors on the basis of the multi-level governance and internal borders frameworks. This involves reconstructing the key propositions of these frameworks, comparing them, and assessing their applicability to the analysis of megacities and urban agglomerations. The study is theoretical-analytical and comparative, and is grounded in a review of the academic literature. The comparison relies on criteria relating to how the city and its boundaries are conceptualized, the agency attributed to actors, coordination mechanisms, interpretations of governance practices, and methodological preferences. The analysis shows that multi-level governance captures the institutional architecture of regulation, vertical and horizontal interactions between levels of authority, and the inclusion of non-state actors, but is less effective in accounting for the dynamics of local conflicts. By contrast, the internal borders framework explains how control and inclusion are produced through routine practices in urban space and treats all city residents as participants in this process; however, it often relies on fragmented qualitative case studies and devotes less attention to structural dimensions. The article concludes that the two approaches are complementary and can be used jointly, and that they remain applicable to large urbanized areas even when these are fragmented into multiple administrative units. The findings refine the conceptual and methodological toolkit and provide a basis for further empirical testing in large urban contexts.

The article formulates the main factors determining the construction of socio-political communication of young people today. In this regard, some modern conditions are also identified in which the formation of a civic position and political socialization of the younger generation takes place – first of all, these are the processes of informatization, digitalization, psychological destructurization and manipulation, which cause some problems and potential conflicts, as well as determine the ideological, value and behavioral characteristics of youth communication. With this in mind, six main models of socio-political communication of young people at the present stage are formulated. The author comes to the conclusion regarding the need to strengthen youth self-awareness and search for effective ways to form the national and state identity of youth in relation to this issue.

As part of the implementation of modern Russian state policy, one of the priorities and strategically important areas is to ensure high-quality work with young people, who, in the context of the spread of various destructive socio-political practices, continue to be one of the most vulnerable to any external negative impact of social groups. In this regard, the problems of using modern digital technologies by Russian youth are being actualized in the direction, on the one hand, of providing necessary control measures, on the other hand, of formulating skills in the youth environment with a relatively more rational and practice-oriented approach based on a kind of “special filter system”. The purpose of writing this paper is to identify effective tools for implementing state youth policy in modern digital conditions. Within the framework of this study, the author came to the conclusion that it is advisable to increase the effectiveness of the implemented state youth policy of the Russian Federation in the direction of appropriate monitoring activities, organized information campaigns, developed practical recommendations on the use of artificial intelligence by young people, as well as amendments to the current Russian legislation regarding work with youth.

The purpose of the article is to provide a theoretical and methodological basis for the system of criteria and indicators for assessing the social efficiency of the organization of fire and environmental safety in a municipal education. The article analyzes the dualism of formal (statistical and departmental) and informal (sociological) measurements of efficiency in the field of control and supervision activities. Based on a systematic and synergistic approach, as well as on the theories of social systems (N. Luhmann, T. Parsons), and the concept of social efficiency, three key dimensions have been identified: social necessity, social utility, and social attractiveness. Their indicative content is revealed in relation to the municipal level of management. Special attention is paid to the Russian specifics, such as the dependence of municipalities on interbudgetary transfers, accountability to higher authorities, and the risks of imitation indicators. The article substantiates the need to include qualitative sociological methods (public surveys and expert interviews) in the system for evaluating the effectiveness of interaction between state fire supervision bodies and local self-government.

This scientific article is determined, on the one hand, by the need to find effective and operational mechanisms to strengthen Russia’s scientific and technological self-sufficiency, an important element of which is human resources, on the other hand, by studying the current migration measures in terms of applicability to solving this problem. The strategy of scientific and technological development of the Russian Federation sets ambitious goals, the achievement of which directly depends on the quality and volume of human resources, however, traditional tools of internal reproduction of personnel, which are of a long-term nature, may not be fast enough to compensate for emerging imbalances and shortages of critical competencies. In this regard, the purpose of the study is to analyze and test Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 883 dated December 02, 2025 “On support for the resettlement of foreign citizens and stateless persons of interest to the Russian Federation and on the specifics of their legal status in the Russian Federation” as a new mechanism to ensure a critical personnel component. The author’s hypothesis is that this legal act is not just a migration measure, but a targeted instrument for the strategic import of intellectual capital, designed to become a catalyst for fulfilling government priorities. The analysis makes it possible to draw key conclusions confirming the relevance of the chosen perspective: Decree No. 883 forms a flexible and targeted legal regime capable of promptly attracting foreign specialists whose competencies directly correspond to the challenges outlined in the Strategy. Unlike its foreign counterparts, it focuses on meaningful criteria of “usefulness” for national priorities rather than formal scoring systems. Thus, the study demonstrates that the integration of this mechanism into the overall system of scientific and technological policy measures makes it possible to create a comprehensive response to the personnel challenges of sovereignty, combining long-term internal development with a short-term external influx of talent.

Geopolitical tensions in the world necessitate the search for tools to build effective cross-country dialogue. The identity of the peoples inhabiting the post-Soviet space provides a rich material for the study of domestic and foreign policy strategies aimed at strengthening sovereignty, building national self-awareness, and resolving geopolitical conflicts. In this article, we propose to introduce into scientific circulation two new terms – “transit identity” and “barrier identity” – which, from our point of view, make it possible not only to most accurately describe the complex socio-political reality that has developed in the former republics of the USSR over the past 35 years, but also to predict with a high degree of probability their future sovereignty and geopolitical position. “Transit identity,” as the more effective one, is examined in the article using the example of the Republic of Belarus, whose development model allows it to adapt more flexibly to a rapidly changing situation, ensuring transit not only in politics and economics, but also in a more global civilizational sense, transmitting meanings, symbols, and ideas. The proposed typology has high heuristic value and can be applied to other regions, including countries in Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America.

The article examines the evolution of the concept of rationality in consumer behavior within economic sociology. The aim of the study is to characterize the economic, social, and psychological factors that determine consumer rationality. The study analyzes the transition from the classical economic model of consumer behavior, based on the principle of utility maximization, to sociological approaches that propose models of bounded and embedded rationality, which take into account the influence of social norms, cultural values, religious beliefs, and other factors on consumer practices. The study also considers psychological factors related to consumer rationality, manifested in the form of cognitive biases during decision-making. As a result of the research, the authors conclude that consumer rationality represents a complex system of interrelated economic, social, and psychological factors that influence economic behavior and decision-making. In addition, the relevance of further research into the psychological aspects of consumer rationality is demonstrated in the context of contemporary digitalization, where digital platforms increasingly employ “dark patterns” that can limit consumer autonomy and manipulate economic behavior.

Creation of industrial and technological infrastructure as a factor of socio-economic development of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation. Annotation. The article is devoted to the analysis of the impact of industrial and technological infrastructure on the socio-economic development of territories in the context of the implementation of state spatial development programs. The focus is on industrial parks, technoparks and other forms of organized industrial infrastructure as tools to stimulate investment activity, employment and structural transformation of the regional economy. Based on the analysis of the regulatory framework, strategic documents and the practice of implementing infrastructure projects, key mechanisms for creating social impact are considered, including job creation, tax base growth, development of small and medium-sized enterprises and improvement of the quality of the urban environment. Special attention is paid to the specifics of territories with increased infrastructural and demographic risks, where the role of supporting industrial sites is increasing in the context of retaining and attracting human capital. The article substantiates the relationship between the level of preparedness of engineering and transport infrastructure and the sustainability of socio-economic processes at the regional level. It is concluded that industrial and technological infrastructure is not only a factor of economic growth, but also an important element of long-term social policy, contributing to the reduction of territorial differentiation and the formation of sustainable models of spatial development.

This article examines the impact of fragmented video consumption on the cognitive and professional parameters of actor training in the context of digitalization of film production and the platform media market. The empirical basis of the analysis is the results of training using short videos compared to the perception of long video material. Based on this, a sociological and managerial interpretation of the obtained results is proposed for the training of actors, the practice of producer management, and the strategic development of online film platforms. Particular attention is paid to the need of filmmakers and producers for new formats of actor training that combine digital adaptability with the preservation of cognitive depth, stage memory, and professional resilience. The “Role Installation” format is considered as a promising model. A conclusion is drawn regarding the need to shift from the logic of short-term digital engagement to the management of human capital quality, sustainable attention, and new formats of professional training in film.

This article substantiates film pedagogy as an integrative system for developing contemporary neurosocial intelligence in the context of algorithmic culture. The author’s concept of the “living screen” is operationalized as an analytical and normative category that counters the logic of the platform background. A three-level model of film pedagogy is proposed, describing a unified mechanism linking the professional training of actors, film education, media literacy of educators, and the behavior of mass audiences. For the first time, the author’s model of “Four Stages of Role Installation” is introduced as a practical tool for film pedagogy, developed within the framework of the methodology of performative identity. A research agenda for 2026–2030 is formulated. The methodological basis is the integration of the sociology of culture, neurosociology, the sociology of management, and educational psychology.

This article explores the metatheoretical problems of sociological analysis of the changes that occurred in Russian society during the 35-year period. In the title, the term “metaphysics” is not associated with the opposition “dialectics,” but is synonymous with “philosophy” in the Aristotelian sense (Greek: τὰ μετὰ τὰ φυσικά – ‘that which comes after physics’). The article examines the paradigm of temporal transspectivity (past-present-future) as the basis for developing a life strategy. The main problem is assessing the changes in individuals and society caused by the reforms. The interpretation of the concept of counterculture is expanded, and the concept of countercivilization is introduced, as the reforms led to the deformation of cultural and historical tradition. A system of indicators for identifying counterculture and countercivilization phenomena has been developed. As the reforms massively introduced Western models into all spheres of Russian life and society, a syncretization occurred between polarized cultures and societies. Leading Russian sociologists characterized the results with the terms “hybrid society,” “trauma society,” and “symbiotic society.” This article provides a concretization and detailing of these negative characteristics, allowing us to highlight the nature of post-reform deformations. An analysis of the characteristics of the cultural and historical type of traditional Russian society led to the conclusion that it is impossible to transfer foreign cultural experience to Russian society if it is incompatible with the cultural and historical tradition, ideological, ideological, and moral foundations.

The article is devoted to the socio-philosophical analysis of ideology, as well as the introduction of the concept of “ideological capital” into socio-humanitarian knowledge. The article notes that the concept of “ideological capital” has three sources: the methodology of “economic imperialism”, social theories of “forms of capital” and “field theory”. The concept of “ideological capital” combines two other concepts – “ideology” and “capital”. The authors assume that ideology as a self-generating value capable of generating income (interest) is “ideological capital”. Ideology, conceptualized as an economic resource, has its own market, where “producers” and “consumers” of ideology both are confronted by laws of competition with each other and among themselves, as well as characteristics inherent in economic capital, such as elasticity, depreciation and obsolescence. This article considers ideology as capital and as property. The authors argue that in modern society ideology is consumed and produced, appropriated and alienated, which gives it the form of “ideological capital”. The increase and accretion of profitability, influence and power, as well as “surplus value” become the main goals of ideological production. “Ideological property” is the ownership of a specific form of knowledge that motivates people to certain socio-political actions and deeds. Human, as a bearer of ideology, acts as an “ideological being” who passes through several epochs: “mythological animal”, “romantic ideological animal”, “ideological capitalism” and Elidi. The historical significance of “ideological capitalism” lies in the transformation of ideology into a special kind of commodity that is bought and sold. The authors suggest that the age of Elidi (elimination and ideology) will replace the age of “ideological capitalism”. The coming of the Elidi era will mean “the ideological emancipation of human from ideology”, calling for “New Enlightenment” and “the end of ideology”.