卷 3, 编号 1 (2021)

This article is devote to the analysis of one from the key institutions in the conception of international society. The aim of the article is identify historiographical aspects for the analysis diplomacy in the context of the English school’s approach to the study of international institutions. English school of International relations formed in the end 1950-1970. Some famous scientists (H. Butterfield, M. Wight, and H. Bull) took an active part in the creation of this scientific society. British Committee for the study of international politics was a main intellectual structure in the genesis of the school. Committee had worked during 25 years (1959-1985) and become a base for the development two first generations of English school of international relations. Herbert Butterfield was very famous English historian and first chief of British Committee during 1959-1967. He had conservative credo. He shared the idea of the decline of diplomacy and divided it into new and historical. During some time, his views on diplomacy in modern history came into conflict with wide interpretation international society - central concept of the school. Martin Wight saw in diplomacy as a minimal indicator of the social character of international system in any time, but he also inclined that diplomacy will not be play very much role in the future. At the same time, he did not accept the concept “international society” and preferred the idea of “system of state”. Concept “international society” become a symbol and different mark this scientific community thanks to the books by H. Bull in 1960-1970. Hedley Bull included diplomacy in his list main international institutes, but central place among them in his views played balance of power and international law. Modern adepts of the conception of international Society continue diplomatic research. The works of modern representatives of the English School are studies in the article. Main conclusion of this part of the article consist of that the functional analysis of the diplomacy become a base for the following development of British intuitionalism and an important part of the conception of international society today. The British institutionalism are highlighted general trends of the following development English school of international relations and some problems for the dialogue with American theory of International relations.

The purpose of this work is to demonstrate the political weakness of the socialist party in the face of fascism, its compliance and inability to organize a real opposition, left to individual initiative, easy to control and exploit. To this end, we focus on Zaniboni’s attack on Mussolini, an isolated and desperate gesture that highlighted the lack of a true opposition policy. The present essay then analyzes both the pacification pact of 1921 signed by fascists and socialists and the genesis of the attack and its organization are analyzed. This attack was the first of four, all in 1926. From the beginning it appeared so anomalous that the international press spoke of a farce; in fact it was soon learned that the security services knew everything, indeed they had partly facilitated it. Mussolini was very skilled in managing the attack, useful both to demonstrate the need for restrictive measures, and to demonstrate the political irrelevance of the opposition, which even reached terrorism: the same night the unitary socialist party and the invisible Masonic Lodges were dissolved. to Mussolini. In the conclusions, thanks to the documents recovered in the state archive, the figure of the bomber is resized: not a man who lives his detention with pride, without the shadow of a doubt or an afterthought, but a man left alone, grateful to the Duce for the financial help given to his daughter, to make her follow her studies. For this reason he said he was ready to “make himself available”.

Russian diplomacy after the Ukrainian crisis of 2014 is in search of the most effective strategy that would meet the growing challenges of the modern world. The continued fragmentation (“creeping dismantling”) of the mechanisms and institutions on which the bipolar world has been built for decades requires a flexible and adequate foreign policy line that can be used to reduce risks and advance one’s own interests in an ever-changing situation. One of the elements of this strategy is a “turn to Asia” - a promising trend of Russian foreign policy, the consideration of which the author aims at. Based on the results of the analysis carried out in the article, the author comes to the conclusion that such a turn cannot be implemented within the framework of an inertial strategy - but it requires Russia to be active in building qualitatively new relations with other countries of the Asia-Pacific region (both bilateral and multilateral). It also appears that a “reversal” cannot be carried out within the framework of a tacking strategy - since tacking in foreign policy only reinforces the status quo, but does not help to move forward. The author believes that the best option of Russia’s strategy in the Asia-Pacific region is Pro-active construction - that is, building relations of multilateral partnership with all other countries in the region interested in maintaining its sustainable development, peaceful resolution of disputes, the development of interstate trade and cultural exchanges. Developing a strategic partnership with China, Russia is called upon and able to start a dialogue on partnership with other Asia-Pacific countries, using existing dialogue platforms (Asia-Pacific economic cooperation summits) to develop partnerships in different areas.

The article examines the influence of external actors on the processes of integration and regionalization in Central Asia. The authors view Central Asia as a region undergoing reformatting. In their previously published articles, they analyzed intraregional processes that affect integration. In this article, I analyze the role of external actors, namely, global and major regional powers in the formation of the region. The authors note the increased competition from integration projects in the region, especially transport and logistics infrastructure projects. In this regard, the article raises the topic of pairing integration projects proposed by external actors. Using the example of the analysis of attempts to pair the Russian EAEU project and the Chinese one “Belt, One Road”, the authors point to the difficulties of achieving interaction between competing partners. The article notes that in spite of the available resources for using “soft power” in the region, Russia must take into account the growing rivalry on the part of external actors for influence in the region and respond flexibly to emerging challenges.

The article is dedicated to the analysis on how actively the youth political organizations participate in public affairs of Altai Krai before major electoral cycle of 2021. The indications and reasons of crisis, which covers the most youth political parties and formally independent youth associations, are being studied. The data of the survey upon the youth of Altai Krai proved that the level of trust regarding those associations among the youth is quite low, as well as the opinion on their efficiency. Basing on online and offline activity analysis of the youth political organizations, the author concludes that not only formal, but actual presence on Altai Krai political space was only provided by the organizations which received support and resources of political parties that were represented in federal and regional legislature bodies. It has been noted that the regional youth political organizations can’t afford to carry on their individual political agenda. Such organizations are usually being brought to execute planned public outreach. The maximum of the youth potential, its’ human and electoral opportunities are used only in periods of significant election campaigns.

The object. The article is dedicated to the research of self-presentation and social relations of the youth political leaders in VKontakte (VK) social media in Siberian Federal District by example of Altai krai and Novosibirsk oblast. This includes the analysis of social and political capital of the youth political organisations’ leaders in online environment. The goal of this research is to distinguish the forms and contents of self-presentation, the image of the youth political leaders, basing on their social relations and communications in VK. For this purpose, the author uses the TargetHunter parcer, as well as the R programming language for the open data harvesting, and Gephi program to create the social media graph. Conclusion. Basing on the research results, the author concludes that the youth political leaders actively use social media resources, particularly VK, to shape their image and promote it in public affairs. Meanwhile, the process of self-presentation of such leaders is impacted by numerous variables. It also tends to change its forms. VK is especially effective for political activity of the leaders who strive to gain their personal social capital, to create unique and high quality content, and to create channels for steady communication with their primary audience. As for the youth political organisations’ heads, their social media space is more miscellaneous and is usually subjected to clasterization, creating groups. The youth leaders also represent similar social environment. Therefore, the environment creates the leaders, as much as the leaders create the environment.

During the Great Patriotic War, the forest industry of the Urals played an important role in the economy of the region and the Soviet Union. Based on the statistical data put into circulation by researcher A.A. Antoufiev, an analysis of the dynamics of the cost of production fixed assets and gross products in the forest industry of the Urals, including per worker, was undertaken. Due to the enemy’s seizure of part of the western territories of the country, thanks to the availability of forests available for operation, enterprises built and reconstructed in the years of the first five-year plans, equipment evacuation, and the fulfillment of defense orders, the share of this sector of the Urals in the production and value of the country’s forest industry increased. However, in the cost of gross products of the region, the share of the forest industry decreased due to the active development of engineering, metallurgy, and arms production. In the forest industry structure, the higher values of production funds and products per worker were in the pulp and paper and plywood industries, the lowest in the field of forest resources. Conclusions were made about an increase in the cost of funds in the Ural forest industry, a slight decrease in the cost of gross products, a lag in the actual labor productivity of workers from the indicators of industry in the region and the Soviet Union.