卷 3, 编号 1 (2021)
- 年: 2021
- 文章: 15
- URL: https://journals.eco-vector.com/2658-4654/issue/view/7869
Articles
OBRAShchENIE GLAVNOGO REDAKTORA
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):11
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Diplomacy as an institution of International Society in English school of International relations
摘要
This article is devote to the analysis of one from the key institutions in the conception of international society. The aim of the article is identify historiographical aspects for the analysis diplomacy in the context of the English school’s approach to the study of international institutions. English school of International relations formed in the end 1950-1970. Some famous scientists (H. Butterfield, M. Wight, and H. Bull) took an active part in the creation of this scientific society. British Committee for the study of international politics was a main intellectual structure in the genesis of the school. Committee had worked during 25 years (1959-1985) and become a base for the development two first generations of English school of international relations. Herbert Butterfield was very famous English historian and first chief of British Committee during 1959-1967. He had conservative credo. He shared the idea of the decline of diplomacy and divided it into new and historical. During some time, his views on diplomacy in modern history came into conflict with wide interpretation international society - central concept of the school. Martin Wight saw in diplomacy as a minimal indicator of the social character of international system in any time, but he also inclined that diplomacy will not be play very much role in the future. At the same time, he did not accept the concept “international society” and preferred the idea of “system of state”. Concept “international society” become a symbol and different mark this scientific community thanks to the books by H. Bull in 1960-1970. Hedley Bull included diplomacy in his list main international institutes, but central place among them in his views played balance of power and international law. Modern adepts of the conception of international Society continue diplomatic research. The works of modern representatives of the English School are studies in the article. Main conclusion of this part of the article consist of that the functional analysis of the diplomacy become a base for the following development of British intuitionalism and an important part of the conception of international society today. The British institutionalism are highlighted general trends of the following development English school of international relations and some problems for the dialogue with American theory of International relations.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):12-19
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Five years of the Paris agreement: The past, present and future of the global climate treaty
摘要
The article presents an analysis of the main stages in the development of climate diplomacy on the eve of the Paris Agreement and the specifics of the negotiation process at the very summit in Paris in November-December 2015. The main provisions of the Paris Climate Agreement are described, its “strengths” and “weaknesses” are shown. The development of the negotiation process within the framework of the post-Paris climate policy at the Conference of the Parties in Marrakesh (2016), Bonn (2017), Katowice (2018) and Madrid (2019) was considered. The main decisions and conclusions of the Conference of the Parties on the further improvement of mechanisms for combating global climate change and adaptation to its consequences have been identified. An increasing tendency in many countries of the world towards the creation of a national carbon-neutral economy by 2050, their rejection of “dirty” technologies and the declaration of a deep ecological modernization of sectors of national economies are noted. The groupings of countries participating in the negotiation process under the UN climate change convention are analyzed. Shown are the vanguard countries of the negotiation process and the states blocking or “inhibiting” the negotiation process. The high dependence of the Russian economy on the extraction and export of fuel resources complicates the processes of environmental modernization. The country is dominated by a negative narrative about climate change. It sees the urgent ecological modernization of the country’s economy as a threat to the “key” sectors of the economy. Russia is one of the last countries in the world to ratify the Paris Agreement (October 2019) and to submit its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) to the UN in the fight against global climate change (November 2020). In the conclusion, generalizations are made and prospects for the further development of climate diplomacy are presented.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):20-29
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Doveva morire? L’attentato di Zaniboni a Mussolini: fra verità e menzogne
摘要
The purpose of this work is to demonstrate the political weakness of the socialist party in the face of fascism, its compliance and inability to organize a real opposition, left to individual initiative, easy to control and exploit. To this end, we focus on Zaniboni’s attack on Mussolini, an isolated and desperate gesture that highlighted the lack of a true opposition policy. The present essay then analyzes both the pacification pact of 1921 signed by fascists and socialists and the genesis of the attack and its organization are analyzed. This attack was the first of four, all in 1926. From the beginning it appeared so anomalous that the international press spoke of a farce; in fact it was soon learned that the security services knew everything, indeed they had partly facilitated it. Mussolini was very skilled in managing the attack, useful both to demonstrate the need for restrictive measures, and to demonstrate the political irrelevance of the opposition, which even reached terrorism: the same night the unitary socialist party and the invisible Masonic Lodges were dissolved. to Mussolini. In the conclusions, thanks to the documents recovered in the state archive, the figure of the bomber is resized: not a man who lives his detention with pride, without the shadow of a doubt or an afterthought, but a man left alone, grateful to the Duce for the financial help given to his daughter, to make her follow her studies. For this reason he said he was ready to “make himself available”.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):30-37
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Feminism in Europe: Facing new challenges
摘要
The article is devoted to topical issues of the development of the ideology of feminism in modern conditions. The purpose of the work is to identify the factors of the dynamics of the ideology of feminism at the beginning of the 21st century. The main versions of classical feminism are characterized: liberal, Marxist and radical. There is a close connection between the origins of feminism and Marxism, but even in the early period the interaction of these ideological and political movements was problematic. There is also an interaction of feminism with new social movements in the West in the 20th century. The contradictory consequences of the development of the women’s movement for the ideology of feminism are noted: on the one hand, the actualization of the feminist agenda in Western countries created the conditions for significant successes in protecting women’s rights and recognizing feminism as a real political force, on the other hand, these same successes reduced the relevance of the liberal version of feminism. Recent developments in Europe have a significant impact on the feminist agenda. Globalization and, in particular, the migration crisis of the 2010s are considered as one of the new factors in the ideological dynamics of feminism. The influx of migrants from Muslim countries not only places a burden on state budgets and reduces the level of security of life on the continent, but also erodes the civilizational identity of European society. Muslim migrants do not seek to integrate into European society, often ignore the fundamental values of European civilization, and above all, women’s equality. This situation creates incentives not only to renew the political goals of feminists, but also to revise the ideological foundations of their ideology itself. In particular, it is possible to move away from the traditional reliance on left-wing political slogans and replace the popular Marxist phraseology among radical Islamists with values related to the protection of democratic gains of European society.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):38-46
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The “Russia’s pivot to Asia” and perspective strategy of multilateral cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region
摘要
Russian diplomacy after the Ukrainian crisis of 2014 is in search of the most effective strategy that would meet the growing challenges of the modern world. The continued fragmentation (“creeping dismantling”) of the mechanisms and institutions on which the bipolar world has been built for decades requires a flexible and adequate foreign policy line that can be used to reduce risks and advance one’s own interests in an ever-changing situation. One of the elements of this strategy is a “turn to Asia” - a promising trend of Russian foreign policy, the consideration of which the author aims at. Based on the results of the analysis carried out in the article, the author comes to the conclusion that such a turn cannot be implemented within the framework of an inertial strategy - but it requires Russia to be active in building qualitatively new relations with other countries of the Asia-Pacific region (both bilateral and multilateral). It also appears that a “reversal” cannot be carried out within the framework of a tacking strategy - since tacking in foreign policy only reinforces the status quo, but does not help to move forward. The author believes that the best option of Russia’s strategy in the Asia-Pacific region is Pro-active construction - that is, building relations of multilateral partnership with all other countries in the region interested in maintaining its sustainable development, peaceful resolution of disputes, the development of interstate trade and cultural exchanges. Developing a strategic partnership with China, Russia is called upon and able to start a dialogue on partnership with other Asia-Pacific countries, using existing dialogue platforms (Asia-Pacific economic cooperation summits) to develop partnerships in different areas.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):47-53
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U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy: The nuclear dimension
摘要
The given article is dedicated to scrutinising the role of nuclear factor in the U.S. policy in the Asia Pacific region lately. The work is written based on the analysis of the official doctrinal documents defining U.S. foreign policy. The aim of the paper is defining the significance of the nuclear dimension in Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy and trends in its evolution in late 2010s and early 2020s. The author dwells upon the features of conceptualising the term “Indo-Pacific” in the U.S. foreign policy strategy taking into account its transition from the expert discourse to the official one. Three layers of analysis are singled out: doctrinal, operational and institutional. Special attention is paid to the relations between the U.S. and its allies in the macroregion, including parties to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (i.e. India, Japan and Australia), as well as other countries, such as South Korea. The influence of China’s growing power and its claims for regional and global leadership on the shift in Washington’s foreign policy is also unveiled. The author discovers a direct correlation between the role of the maritime constituent in the “Indo-Pacific security” and the intention of the U.S. to develop the sea and air components in its nuclear triad. Various directions of the U.S. advancing its nuclear forces in the Asia Pacific are shown, as well as the role of adjacent projects in the field of security (such as “Global ABM”). Apart from this, the article demonstrates the factors that might have an impact on the U.S. nuclear policy in the region during J. Biden’s presidency. An attempt is made to predict possible scenarios in the near future.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):54-58
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External triggers of integration processes in Central Asia
摘要
The article examines the influence of external actors on the processes of integration and regionalization in Central Asia. The authors view Central Asia as a region undergoing reformatting. In their previously published articles, they analyzed intraregional processes that affect integration. In this article, I analyze the role of external actors, namely, global and major regional powers in the formation of the region. The authors note the increased competition from integration projects in the region, especially transport and logistics infrastructure projects. In this regard, the article raises the topic of pairing integration projects proposed by external actors. Using the example of the analysis of attempts to pair the Russian EAEU project and the Chinese one “Belt, One Road”, the authors point to the difficulties of achieving interaction between competing partners. The article notes that in spite of the available resources for using “soft power” in the region, Russia must take into account the growing rivalry on the part of external actors for influence in the region and respond flexibly to emerging challenges.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):59-70
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The transformation of the image of Nursultan Nazarbayev on the pages of “The New York Times” (1989-2001)
摘要
The purpose of the research. In accordance with the problem-chronological approach, the article systematized the materials of “The New York Times” newspaper about Nursultan Nazarbayev in the period during 1989-2001. Despite the membership of the Communist Party from 1962-1991, the condemnation of the collapse of the USSR, the promotion of the idea of new economic and political integration in the post-Soviet space, the President of Kazakhstan was portrayed on the pages of “The New York Times” as a progressive independent pro-American politician. Nevertheless, by the end of the second half of the 1990-s there were dramatic changes in the current image, the Kazakh leader began to associate with an autocrat and a corrupt official. This work is aimed at finding the reasons for the transformation of the image of the Kazakh politician. Results. The study concluded that the reason for the transformation of the image of the President of Kazakhstan was the deterioration of relations with official Washington. The favorable image of Nursultan Nazarbayev in “The New York Times” was an indicator not only of the benevolent attitude of newspaper journalists, but also of US loyalty. During the period of partnership with the White House, the image of politician Nursultan Nazarbayev remained pleasant for readers of the New York newspaper. In the late 1980s and the first half of the 1990s. Washington was favorable to Nursultan Nazarbayev, since the president’s policy satisfied the United States: defending independence, switching to a market economy, renouncing nuclear weapons, and access to Kazakh oil. During this period, the negative features of the Kazakh leader were not displayed or smoothed out on the pages of the New York newspaper, while the strengths were intentionally emphasized. After the current American goals in the Central Asian republic were achieved, interest in the figure of Nursultan Nazarbayev began to fade. Over time, scandals related to Nursultan Nazarbayev began to be fully covered by journalists of “The New York Times”, changing the image of the president to an authoritarian and corrupt politician.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):71-86
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The activity of youth political organizations as a factor in the regional political process (case of the Altai Krai)
摘要
The article is dedicated to the analysis on how actively the youth political organizations participate in public affairs of Altai Krai before major electoral cycle of 2021. The indications and reasons of crisis, which covers the most youth political parties and formally independent youth associations, are being studied. The data of the survey upon the youth of Altai Krai proved that the level of trust regarding those associations among the youth is quite low, as well as the opinion on their efficiency. Basing on online and offline activity analysis of the youth political organizations, the author concludes that not only formal, but actual presence on Altai Krai political space was only provided by the organizations which received support and resources of political parties that were represented in federal and regional legislature bodies. It has been noted that the regional youth political organizations can’t afford to carry on their individual political agenda. Such organizations are usually being brought to execute planned public outreach. The maximum of the youth potential, its’ human and electoral opportunities are used only in periods of significant election campaigns.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):87-93
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Features of the implementation of youth political leadership in the regions of the Russian Federation (the case of the Altai Krai)
摘要
The formation of the youth political leadership on regional level creates the human resource, without which the successful development of the whole Russian society would be impossible. In this article, based on the researches of mass youth political consciousness and expert polls, run in 2018-2020 in Altai Krai, the youth and experts’ ideas of a young political leader’s character and necessary personal qualities are analyzed. Much attention is given to consideration of the youth and experts’ opinions regarding the priority activity areas and to finding the criteria of efficiency in the youth political leaders. The comparison of the youth and experts’ opinions allowed us to distinguish their viewpoints upon the existing conditions that would promote the youth political leadership to realize the potential. We also managed to compare their views on the current role of the youth politicians in the region. According to the results of this research, the authors conclude that the youth political leaders, adapting to the conditions of the regional political area and available recourses, are forced to choose different activity models and ways on self-positioning. Incoherence and limitation of the young politicians’ opportunities in the situation, preventing such politicians from playing significant roles in Altai Krai political process.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):94-99
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Social relations and self-presentation of the youth political leaders of Altai krai and Novosibirsk oblast in VKontakte social media
摘要
The object. The article is dedicated to the research of self-presentation and social relations of the youth political leaders in VKontakte (VK) social media in Siberian Federal District by example of Altai krai and Novosibirsk oblast. This includes the analysis of social and political capital of the youth political organisations’ leaders in online environment. The goal of this research is to distinguish the forms and contents of self-presentation, the image of the youth political leaders, basing on their social relations and communications in VK. For this purpose, the author uses the TargetHunter parcer, as well as the R programming language for the open data harvesting, and Gephi program to create the social media graph. Conclusion. Basing on the research results, the author concludes that the youth political leaders actively use social media resources, particularly VK, to shape their image and promote it in public affairs. Meanwhile, the process of self-presentation of such leaders is impacted by numerous variables. It also tends to change its forms. VK is especially effective for political activity of the leaders who strive to gain their personal social capital, to create unique and high quality content, and to create channels for steady communication with their primary audience. As for the youth political organisations’ heads, their social media space is more miscellaneous and is usually subjected to clasterization, creating groups. The youth leaders also represent similar social environment. Therefore, the environment creates the leaders, as much as the leaders create the environment.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):100-113
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Monitoring public attitude to the work of police in Kemerovo region - Kuzbass (based on regional studies)
摘要
The article aims to present a comparative analysis of the results of opinion polls conducted by all-Russian public opinion centers and regional research organizations regarding the work of the police based on the case of one division of the Siberian Federal District - Kemerovo Region - Kuzbass. It is noted that conducting such research acts as a kind of “feedback” tool between the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the public and is basically aimed at identifying the dynamics of current results and existing problems in the work of police officers. At the same time, the authors compare polls of different types (mass and online polls) and levels (federal or regional), which allows for a better analysis of the issue. The article analyzes data for the last few years obtained by the Public Opinion Foundation (FOM), the All-Russian Research Institute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, the Siberian Politics Foundation and the Centre for Regional Social and Political Research at the Institute of History and International Relations of Kemerovo State University. The main issues that are constantly monitored by the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and representing the subjects of tudy for opinion surveys include the degree of protection of the population, the level of trust to police officers, performance assessment, the degree of victimization of the population (whether a person was subjected to criminal attacks or not for over the past 12 months). The study made it possible to see the weak and strong aspects of both the survey results themselves using the case of the region and to trace the similarities and differences in the public evaluation throughout the country and in Kuzbass. For example, online polls in Kuzbass conducted in September 2020 against the background of the COVID: pandemic showed a “surge” of protest potential in the responses. In general, the study concluded that federal results tend to color the real situation offering a certain generalized result across the country, while the level of regional research is more objective in reflecting the real situation.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):114-120
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Economic indicators of the timber processing complex of the Urals during the Great Patriotic War
摘要
During the Great Patriotic War, the forest industry of the Urals played an important role in the economy of the region and the Soviet Union. Based on the statistical data put into circulation by researcher A.A. Antoufiev, an analysis of the dynamics of the cost of production fixed assets and gross products in the forest industry of the Urals, including per worker, was undertaken. Due to the enemy’s seizure of part of the western territories of the country, thanks to the availability of forests available for operation, enterprises built and reconstructed in the years of the first five-year plans, equipment evacuation, and the fulfillment of defense orders, the share of this sector of the Urals in the production and value of the country’s forest industry increased. However, in the cost of gross products of the region, the share of the forest industry decreased due to the active development of engineering, metallurgy, and arms production. In the forest industry structure, the higher values of production funds and products per worker were in the pulp and paper and plywood industries, the lowest in the field of forest resources. Conclusions were made about an increase in the cost of funds in the Ural forest industry, a slight decrease in the cost of gross products, a lag in the actual labor productivity of workers from the indicators of industry in the region and the Soviet Union.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):121-126
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Aviation metallurgy in the Urals during Great Patriotic War (1941-1945)
摘要
The author analyzes the peculiarities of the formation and development of the aviation metallurgy in the Urals during the Great Patriotic War. There are ways to solve the problem of acute shortage of primary aluminum, the creation of new and restoration of existing enterprises of the industry in a short time in the conditions of mass relocation of industry to the east of the country. The dynamics and main trends of the “second industrialization” of the USSR in relation to the Ural region are defined, turning it into the center of aviation metallurgical production. It is proposed to period the development of the industrial branch in 1941-1945.
History and Modern Perspectives. 2021;3(1):127-138
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