No 10 (2024)

By the beginning of the 21st century, the US world leadership had reached such a scale and depth that it prompted researchers in both domestic and foreign literature to refer to globalization as "Americanization". Meanwhile, the increasing unevenness in global economic development has led to a new trend – regionalization and a “parade” of national economic sovereignties, the formation of a new economic order, and a multipolar world. However, the United States began to fight for its national economic sovereignty immediately after the adoption of its Constitution and the formation of its first government in 1789. Over the next two centuries, the American liberal economic model was established in international economic relations not only due to its growing competitiveness but also through the use of a wide variety of non-economic, non-market methods. That is why issues of economic sovereignty, as the basis of national economic security have been and remain on the agenda of any U.S. government, regardless of party affiliation. Moreover, American hegemony serves not only to reinforce economic sovereignty but also brings substantial benefits to citizens, businesses, and the state. To explore the topic within this article, we will focus on key issues such as a brief historical overview, internal factors, and external factors associated with modern geopolitical processes.

More than a quarter of a century has passed since the member parliaments of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) adopted the Universal Declaration of Democracy in 1997 (Cairo, Egypt). The document was designed as an international standard to assist governments, parliaments, and citizens in overcoming the many challenges to democracy worldwide. Amid ongoing debates about democracy, there are voices in various countries suggesting that the declaration is losing its relevance due to the perceived devaluation of democracy itself. However, supporters of a different point of view emphasize its other features, such as its stability and flexibility, and high adaptability to modern challenges, as well as its continued usefulness in driving positive changes in people's lives. The American public's views on specific policies regarding abortion reflect broader perspectives on what lies behind the façade of a medical procedure. Abortion is not primarily a medical issue, although the procedure itself is inherently medical. It extends far beyond the medical realm. Indeed, the struggle of American women for their rights, particularly reproductive rights, spans multiple generations, tracing a long historical trajectory. In the first quarter of the 21st century, when American respondents were asked about the significance of abortion, the majority emphasized its philosophical and political dimensions. Specifically, 81% viewed it as a matter of individual rights and freedoms, situating it within the broader context of human and reproductive rights. Many perceived abortion as a health issue (68%) and moral issue (62%). Notably, this group of respondents includes Democrats, independents, and Republicans. Fewer respondents viewed abortion as a religious issue (41%), although most Republicans (55%) saw it in that light. The question remains: Is American model of democracy up to the task of mitigating the reproductive rights emergency in the United States?

Deregulation of the US banking system in the 1980s and 1990s led to profound changes not only in the operating conditions of credit corporations but also in the territorial structure of the industry. A particularly important role was played by the gradual lifting of the historical ban on creating interstate branch networks, which allowed the most successful banking holding companies to expand into other regions and partially displace local businesses. Among the centers from which such commercial expansion took place were Columbus, Cleveland, and other cities in Ohio, which had significant economic foundations and human resources. Ohio's share of national totals, measured by the assets of bank holding companies, rose almost continuously until 2002–2003, but then began to decline under pressure from even stronger competitors. Meanwhile, in the early 2000s, as advancements in telecommunications increasingly enabled the remote distribution of internal corporate administrative functions, Ohio became a strategic hub for holdings from other states – primarily JPMorgan Chase from New York. To this day, Ohio reflects a dual, albeit uneven, success: the state holds a significant position in its own holdings’ assets (sixth or seventh place in the US), while also maintaining a leading role in the strategic presence (at the level of key subordinate banks) of holdings from other parts of the country. For Ohio, an old industrial state that had been struggling since the 1960s with the rise of new competitors with more advanced manufacturing, the growth of the banking sector (in both aspects noted) became a key part of the state's economic restructuring and an important source of job creation.

The article is devoted to the study of the influence of the academic movement represented by supporters of Critical Race Theory (CRT) on the development of modern American society. The paper examines the ideological origins of CRT, rooted in the legacy of the Frankfurt School. The author pays special attention to the consideration of the most significant concepts of CRT, based on the assertion of systematic discrimination against racial and ethnic minorities in the United States, which can only be overcome with the help of radical sociocultural and legal changes. The paper analyzes the consequences of the influence of CRT on the American education system, as an area that was directly exposed to the practical influence of its concepts. Finally, the article demonstrates the transition of disputes regarding CRT to the political plane, in conditions where the Republican Party views its spread as a vital threat to the traditional foundations of American society.

The article examines the evolution of the U.S. military presence in Europe as the whole and in key NATO member states between 2017 and 2023. The author employs the theory of armed forces development. The paper compares the size of the U.S. military presence in Europe at the end of the Cold War with that during the contemporary confrontation with Russia. By the mid-2020s, the size of the U.S. military presence, nearing 100 thousand troops can be considered close to its upper limit. The optimal level, taking into account capabilities and objectives, was estimated at 80 thousand troops. The dynamics of U.S. Army brigades’ deployments in Europe are explored. The article also traces the evolution of U.S. contingents in Italy and Germany, where military units were no longer predominant, having been largely replaced by various support forces, and their role as sources for reinforcing the U.S. forces in Eastern Europe. Also, the forms of U.S. military presence in Northern Norway are discussed. The author explores the U.S. approach to the rotational deployment of the Armored Brigade Combat Team (ABCT) in Poland (since 2017) and the Infantry Brigade Combat Team (IBCT) in Romania (since 2022), along with the establishment of division and corps headquarters in both countries. The noticeable increase in U.S. military presence in Europe between February and June 2022 set the framework for the New NATO Force Model (NNFM), approved at Madrid summit, and underscored the significant contributions made by European member states.

The practice of eliminating accumulated environmental damage in the United States of America is reviewed. The relevance of the stated problems for the Russian Federation and the need for critical analysis of similar foreign experience is stated. The general legal regulation of handling hazardous chemicals in the USA is described, the direct subject of the research is defined as legal and institutional forms of elimination of consequences of releases of hazardous chemicals into the environment in accordance with the CERCLA law. The historical background of the regulatory act is investigated, and the negative influence of political circumstances on its quality is revealed. The main elements f the system of liquidation of accumulated environmental damage created by CERCLA are thoroughly analysed, the features of legal procedures related to preparation and implementation of measures on remediation of contaminated objects are revealed in detail. The problems of financial sustainability of these measures caused by changes in tax regimes are revealed, some peculiarities of prosecuting persons guilty of environmental contamination with hazardous chemicals are revealed. Based on the results of the study, conclusions are formulated about the possibility of adopting some positive features of foreign experience and the need to continue comparative research in the field of elimination of accumulated environmental damage.

The article provides information about the Vadim Koleneko Memorial Conference on Canadian Studies at the Russian State University of Humanities (RSUH) on April 4, 2024. This conference was organized by the Research and Educational Centre “Moscow-Quebec” and the Department of American Studies of RSUH with the assistance of the Centre for Canadian Studies of Saint-Petersburg State University. It was dedicated to Memory of Vadim Koleneko (1943–2011) – Soviet and than Russian Academic who was the leading Russian-speaking expert on the Canadian and Quebec History and Politics. It is noted that the conference was attended by 30 scholars from different educational and research institutions. Their papers were devoted to the Scientific Heritage of Vadim Koleneko as well as to the important issues of Canadian history, politics and culture.